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Rutger BregmanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In 1930, British economist John Maynard Keynes predicted that in 100 years the main economic problem would be too much leisure time, because people would need to work only 15 hours per week. Bregman notes that many other economists and philosophers have likewise predicted that technological development would reduce the overall need for human labor, and while many employers dreaded this prospect as an inducement to laziness and vice, others—such as Henry Ford—welcomed happier and better-rested workers as more loyal and productive. After World War II, the US emerged as a manufacturing colossus, and opinion makers held that work would soon become the provenance of a tiny elite, leaving the rest to boredom. The 1960s cartoon sitcom The Jetsons imagined a future in which technology would make life so easy for humans that they had little left to do on their own. However, by the 1980s, the work week stopped shortening and in some cases even grew beyond 40 hours. A major development was women entering the workforce in record numbers, without a corresponding drop in men working. Technological developments such as smartphones are erasing the boundaries between work and leisure. People work themselves to the brink of exhaustion.
Medieval peasants had anywhere between four and six months off work, and while they certainly were not prosperous, such leisure time is enviable. Modern capitalism, with its insistence on maximum productivity, demands minimum leisure time, but evidence shows that leisure and productivity are not mutually exclusive—and that longer work hours do not necessarily increase productivity. Instead, as Bregman points out, longer work hours push people far beyond their capabilities, so they achieve less than what they might in fewer hours over a slightly longer period of time. The stress of overwork exerts enormous social costs, and longer work weeks correlate with greater levels of inequality. Less work time would dramatically cut carbon dioxide emissions, and relieving social pressure for men to work would help ensure gender equality in the home for some families.
For both financial and psychological reasons, people need work, but most crave a shorter work week. Reducing the work week is a complicated endeavor requiring many policy changes, including the linkage of healthcare benefits to individuals rather than a minimum number of hours worked, but it is an ideal that could guide incremental change. Although a great amount of leisure time would increase people’s well-being, it may have its own difficulties, but these will be far preferable to the psychological and systemic costs of too much work.
In 2004, Harvard Professor (and now US Senator) Elizabeth Warren wrote a book along with her daughter, Amelia Warren Tyagi, called The Two-Income Trap. The book shows how middle-class families today are underperforming compared to those in previous generations, even though the addition of women to the workplace should have doubled incomes and therefore provided even greater financial security. Bregman notes a similar trend, and his assessment of the causes is mostly cultural. Feminism, for good or ill, created an expectation for women’s employment that shattered the possibility of a shortened work week for families. New technologies have largely eliminated the barriers between work and home, a trend that has vastly accelerated since the COVID-19 pandemic, and working from home is a convenience but also a burden to the extent that the home becomes a place of work. Capitalism favors achievement, and thus overwork becomes a sign of status and importance. All of these points are true, but Warren and Tyagi’s book adds further considerations that strengthen Bregman’s overall point. The cost of living has dramatically escalated—and not just because people want to buy more things, as Bregman implies. The real cost of housing and healthcare has grown vastly more than wages. Job security is far more precarious than in the past, and workers are far more likely to have to change careers several times. This, in turn, makes it harder to build the social connections that can help alleviate the stress of working and raising a family, especially for women who experience the social expectation of being both workers and mothers. This is another example in which social values are clearly in tension with economic logic, and social values have thus had to twist themselves into impossible contortions to endure under increasingly forbidding conditions. Bregman’s proposal for a 15-hour work week helps show, at the very least, how social goods are as important, if not more so, than productivity. In addition, his proposal helps illustrate that prioritizing social goods over productivity would impact productivity only slightly, while marginal increases in productivity can wreak havoc on every other aspect of a person’s life. People have been conditioned to believe that inequality is a fact of life, that they must do everything in their power to keep from falling lower on the ladder, and that if they fail it is entirely their fault. Foregrounding the book’s theme on The Dangers of Inequality, Bregman makes the case that inequality itself—rather than “the poor”—should be the subject of critique, and that it is not fantastical to imagine a world in which the interests of everyday workers are at least as important as those of corporate bosses.
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