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53 pages 1 hour read

Annette Lareau

Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2003

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Part 1, Chapters 3-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “The Organization of Daily Life”

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “The Hectic Pace of Concerted Cultivation: Garrett Tallinger”

In her time working with the families in the study, Lareau notices that there are sizeable differences in the way time and scheduling are allocated in each class. Middle-class families seem regularly stressed, lead hectic lives, and juggle many children’s activities around which the rest of their lives are planned. These children spend less time with other children and less time enjoying free leisure than their working-class counterparts, whose parents spend their days managing finances, chores, and errands while their children lead more relaxed and open lives. Working-class children also spend more time with other children and family.

Lareau chooses to focus on the Tallinger family as a subject for her discussion on the organization of family life within concerted cultivation families. Garrett is a white, middle-class fourth grader with two younger siblings. His parents are married and work long hours, and all three boys have various extracurricular activities, particularly sports. Lareau introduces the family with a lucid scene of Don Tallinger, the father, discovering that his evening is free from these commitments for once. He is elated and relieved, which Lareau calls “testimony to his family’s hectic pace” (38). Children in families like Garrett’s tend to develop “white-collar work skills” (39), such as talking to strangers and managing a schedule but often at the cost of close family ties. The Tallinger boys spend much of their time out of school engaged in various activities, away from each other, and only being spectated by their parents rather than engaged with them. The Tallingers live in a “classic home in the suburbs” (40) with all the usual trimmings, and the Tallinger parents are both confident, bold people. Both attended Ivy League schools, hold bachelor’s degrees, and earn a combined income of $175,000 per year. All three children are in daycare or after-school programs. Garrett is the “target child” (41) of the study and is described as serious, quiet, and competitive with a “fierce desire to please” (41). Garrett is good at amusing himself, speaks selectively, and does well at both school and sports. Garrett has white friends, white babysitters, white sports teammates, and white instructors. Garrett is the eldest child and the star of many things he participates in. Thus, the family schedule is largely based around his activities. Lareau includes a table that illuminates just how busy Garrett’s schedule is, and it includes at least five activities each week, including soccer, baseball, basketball, swimming, and piano. Lareau points out that the Tallingers live at the extreme end of the typical busy middle-class family, but compared with working-class families middle-class children generally have far more activities. Life is not all schedules and pre-planned activities for the Tallingers. They also enjoy backyard games, wordplay, dinners together, and share affectionate moments. However, the warm conversations they share are most often in relation to the children’s activities.

The activities their children do puts ample strain on parents. It takes up time, money, energy, and patience. It often results in conflicts where parents become frustrated as they and their children struggle to keep up and manage conflicting activities. The Tallinger parents are often forced to forego work in the name of these activities, and “as the number of women working outside the home continues to grow, so too does the already formidable pressure on parents” (50). Mr. Tallinger shows his frustration with the children more often while his wife seems to be able to keep her calm. Lareau notes that by the time the study concludes, Ms. Tallinger quits her demanding job to work close to home and be an “anchor for the children” (51). Mr. Tallinger is what Lareau describes as more competent than most middle-class fathers, but still tends to forego responsibility to his wife when she is around. Ms. Tallinger is thus responsible for the majority of affairs surrounding the children, which Lareau calls “gendered labor” (52).

Garrett reportedly enjoys his activities and his busy life. He is passionate about competitive sports and does not believe his life is too busy. He laments that he knows his father sometimes gets tired from driving him around and watching him play. On the other hand, Garrett has clear days where he is moody, all but silent, and exhausted. Sam, his four-year-old brother, often has meltdowns due to being carted around to watch his brother at various events and becoming bored. Garrett’s other younger brother, Spencer (seven), is overshadowed by Garrett, and his parents regret Spencer’s lack of interest in sports. There is competition and conflict between Garrett and Spencer, though they can also be helpful to one another and spend much of their leisure time playing together. Lareau notes that the conflicts observed between middle-class siblings were much less common in working-class families. Furthermore, time spent with extended family is “not unimportant, it’s just less important than sports” (58).

Another issue that Lareau observes in the Tallinger family and other middle-class homes is that money is never discussed with the children. She argues that this creates a sense of entitlement in which the children assume everything is affordable and will be taken care of. The opposite tends to be true in working-class families, where children are acutely aware of the financial struggles their family faces. In fact, Garrett feels that his family still is not wealthy enough because they cannot afford to send him to private school like most of his teammates. Lareau points out that Garrett does not seem to comprehend that for many working-class children such schools and activities are completely out of the question and considered privileges. These activities also earn these children skills that poor children often do not have the privilege to attain, such as playing on a team, self-discipline, and performing in public, all of which are useful skills later in life in the workplace and their personal lives. Lareau concludes this observation by stating that there is no singular factor responsible for middle-class parents’ tendency toward concerted cultivation. Instead, it is a complex influence of income, gender, preferences, parents’ education level and occupation, neighborhood, family composition, and more. Lareau argues that the dominant ideology of American society means it is unlikely for many middle-class parents to consider concerted cultivation anything but the only way to parent.

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “A Child’s Pace: Tyrec Taylor”

Lareau features a nine-year-old boy named Tyrec from a working-class, primarily Black neighborhood to illustrate “some aspects of the child rearing strategy [she has] termed the accomplishment of natural growth” (66). Unlike Garrett, Tyrec finds extracurricular activities a nuisance at best and prefers spending his leisure time in open, unstructured play with the neighborhood boys. Tyrec, like other children in the working class, has the freedom to choose what he does, for how long, and with whom. His parents’ main concern is to keep him safe, fed, and clothed, and discipline is used when needed, but Tyrec is generally free to grow. The accomplishment of natural growth strategy allows children to develop “social competencies” (67) and experience new things. Unlike many middle-class children, Tyrec is usually asked to obey his elders and is not developing the white-collar skills that Garrett is. In her study, Lareau observes that there are also gender differences among working-class and poor families in which girls are expected to stay closer to home, are less physically active, and have their “physical bodies more actively scrutinized and shaped by others” (68). The most noticeable difference that Lareau finds, though, is the tendency toward adult-centric activities in the middle-class and the open-ended lifestyle of the working class.

Tyrec lives in a Black working-class neighborhood that his mother describes as having frequent crime. A white neighborhood is nearby, which Tyrec regularly visits to buy treats with his friends. He lives with his older sister, mother, and stepbrother; his father lives about 15 minutes away and is active in Tyrec’s life. He battled drug issues in the past and did not complete high school. Tyrec’s mother is a high school graduate working as a secretary. Ms. Taylor finds it difficult to stretch her $20,000 per year salary to keep her family afloat, and conversations about money are frequent and open within the family. Tyrec is an assertive “sprite of a boy” (70), who has many rules to follow that are designed to keep him safe and ensure that he keeps up with his schooling. Affection is regular in the home, albeit sometimes paired with a subtle “aggressive edge” (72), and Tyrec’s parents are in the midst of trying to repair their marriage, which leads to frequent moments of tension.

In stark contrast to the Tallinger household, the Taylors do not live by the calendar and rarely have planned events scheduled. The children are free to determine their own schedules and how their free time is spent. Games and activities are random and spontaneous, and children often find each other on the street and decide to play. Tyrec’s extended family is a huge part of his life, and most of them live nearby. He is very close with his older sister, who acts as a companion for him in times of need. Although they squabble like any siblings, Lareau notes that “their relationship is far more cordial than the acrimonious sibling relationships [they] observed in middle-class homes, both Black and white” (77). Tyrec does play football for one season, and although his mother is supportive, she finds it taxing and does not appreciate having to rearrange her already stressful life for it. She is ultimately happy when Tyrec decides to quit after one season, favoring time with his friends instead. Tyrec and his friends create informal games with their own rules and strategies for organization, giving Tyrec skills in “peer mediation, conflict management, personal responsibility and strategizing” (80). Tyrec and his friends learn how to entertain and mediate themselves, a skill that children like Garrett often do not develop. Lareau observes that middle-class children tend to crave and feel entitled to adult attention and involvement, whereas working-class and poor children tend to neither “want or expect adult involvement in their play” (81).

Part 1, Chapter 5 Summary: “Children’s Play Is for Children: Katie Brindle”

Katie Brindle (nine) comes from a poor white neighborhood and lives in an apartment with her mother and baby brother. Katie also has a half-sister who is 18. Their apartment is dilapidated, leaky, and roach infested. Katie’s father is not active in her life, nor is her sister’s father; her baby brother’s dad is the only one who sees him regularly. Katie’s mother, who is preoccupied with the stress of daily living, often declines to pay attention to or spend time with her daughter. This is illustrated with an anecdote of a day where Katie asked her mother to help her build a dollhouse with boxes, and her mother merely replied, “Nah” (82). Lareau explains that this lack of development of a feeling of worth leads children to develop a “sense of constraint” (83) about their position in the world. The worlds of children and adults are seen as separate, and parents tend not to view children’s leisure and creative pursuits as anything more than child’s play. On the plus side, these children learn how to entertain and please themselves without outside gratification, which leads to creativity and spontaneity. Basic needs and daily actions like getting dressed or fed can be a source of frustration and a feeling of incompetence for working-class and poor parents, meaning that they often do not have the time or energy to fully partake in children’s leisure activities. Lareau points out that while families of all classes encounter similar problems, they may be amplified in poorer families. Furthermore, there are differences within class as to how economics are handled as well. Lareau explains that there is an “ongoing interaction between structure and biography” (97) that shapes this variation.

Conversations at home frequently center on appearance and weight, which clearly shows through in the way Katie dresses and behaves. She “likes to think of herself as being about fifteen” (86). She takes care of herself competently, seeks little assistance from adults, and spends much of her time with her cousin Amy. Despite this, Katie still enjoys dress-up and playing with Barbies. Katie has a past of sexual abuse and self-harm. She interacts with children and adults of both Black and white race, and her mother leads the household in an organized fashion. Morning routines are long and strenuous and often come with much resistance from Katie. The family survives on food stamps and public assistance, which leads to continued stress over everyday things. Much of the family’s time is taken up by slow processes, such as bussing and waiting in lines for food stamps. Common chores, such as laundry, are cumbersome and sometimes impossible, as the apartment complex’s machines are often out of order. Sometimes Katie even misses school because there are simply no clean clothes. Choices about where to live or how to get places are few or singular. During the period before the study, the Brindle family experienced some startling news when Jenna, the oldest daughter, was diagnosed with HIV. Katie’s mother attempts to end her life at this news but survived. Katie’s mother has also hit her in the past, even causing a black eye on one occasion. Katie’s self-harm has been an issue since the sexual assault she experienced in first grade, and it continues to be an issue as the researchers observe her and the family (she is often seen hitting herself in the head). Overall, Katie’s family experiences even more problems than other poor families in a similar position, but Lareau notes that there is still love in the Brindle household, though it is often strained or distracted.

Part 1, Chapters 3-5 Analysis

In these chapters, Lareau compares and contrasts the ways that three families from three different economic backgrounds organize their daily lives and how class influences their organizational styles and how their children develop. What she finds is that there are both similarities and differences in the ways these families organize as well as differences within classes. Specifically, “differences arise in terms of the specific kinds and amounts of difficulties, the ways in which individuals’ temperaments shape their responses to the challenges they face, and the structural resources available to families” (96). There are also benefits and negatives to each approach. Lareau does not find significant differences based on race; instead, both Black and white families with similar economic backgrounds exhibit tendencies toward either parenting style. Families in middle-class homes, in Lareau’s observation, lean more toward the concerted cultivation approach. This means that children in these homes lead lives that are heavily tailored by adults and are designed to prepare them for their future careers and relationships. Working-class and poor families, on the other hand, lean toward the accomplishment of natural growth, in which “insufficient resources shape where families live, what kind of jobs parents hold” (97) and more. Children in these homes are more often left to entertain themselves, and their creative and leisurely pursuits are considered exclusive to children. As a result, adults are far less involved in this way but spend much more of their time worrying about and acquiring basic resources, such as food and clothing. Children in middle-class families appear to be more exhausted, as was the case with Garrett, but also often do not see any issue with living such a busy and organized life. Children in working-class and poor families are, as Lareau observes, often more vibrant and seem to have more energy. The benefits of the concerted cultivation approach include interpersonal skills, meeting deadlines and keeping a schedule, and other “white-collar” skills. Working-class and poor children often do not develop these skills in the same way or with the same “sense of entitlement” toward adults that middle-class children have, meaning that middle-class children end up with more advantages career-wise. However, working-class children seem to develop more autonomy and closer personal ties due to their having more freedom and openness to choose how they spend their leisure time.

Lareau concludes that neither approach is right or wrong and challenges the dominant notion among professionals and middle-class parents alike that the accomplishment of personal growth is a less effective or inferior approach. Lareau’s arguments are solidified with the observations from her study and communicated through the use of anecdotes and descriptions of what she and her team witnessed while working with each family. The anecdotes are relatable and vivid, such as when Lareau describes Katie and her cousin performing a skit while surrounded by family, none of whom were watching or caring: “Grandmom is watching TV […] Amy’s father is there, but he ignores the girls’ performance” (98). In this way, she does more than simply claim truths; she illustrates them with direct examples of real families living in America.

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