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Stefan ZweigA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Thinking back to the many publications he produced during this era, he is struck by how little they mean to him in the present day. He wrote for many of the “newspapers of the Reich” and was well regarded (201), but he finds little value in his work during that time. He recalls his friendship with Walther Rathenau, a target of the German Reich who was assassinated not long after Zweig’s last meeting with him. The two had struck up a friendship over literature and Zweig recalls helping to get Rathenau published.
Rathenau had encouraged Zweig to “look beyond Europe” (205), and it was because of that advice that Zweig first traveled to India. There, he was struck by the brutality of the caste system and the country’s extreme poverty. He also met a German military man named Karl Haushofer, who was at the time engaged in building the project of a “Greater Germany.” Zweig was surprised to later learn that Haushofer was a friend of Hitler’s. Although Zweig does not now think that his friend had been responsible for the worst aspects of Hitler’s ideology, he is chagrined that many of his ideas were used to provide moral justification for Hitler’s agenda.
After India, Zweig visited America. Manhattan was not the metropolis that it is today, but he was drawn to an American spirit that he located largely in the poetry of Walt Whitman, and he enjoyed wandering the New York streets alone.
This chapter begins in 1910. He recalls loving Europe more during these years than ever before, and being moved by the spirit of possibility and progress that was pervasive all over the continent. Technological advancements brought lighting, public restrooms, and other amenities once reserved for the upper classes into the realm of the proletariat. The workday was shortened. The population in cities exploded. Advances in health, nutrition, and medicine produced happier, heartier people. People were proud of rather than dismissive of youth. Exercise, sporting events, and more sexual freedom were available to young people in a way that they had not been to Zweig as a young man.
However, not all change was good. Expansionist aims were at the root of colonial land grabs as Italy and France sought to enlarge their colonial presence on the African continent. Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia. Various European powers competed and bickered among themselves. He is still unable to pinpoint the origins of the World War I, but he posits the “excess of power” among nations trying to best one another as one cause of the conflict (220). He watched the outbreak of the Balkan wars with uneasiness and wondered if those first rumblings of war would spread northward. He also recalls with regret the lack of cohesive leadership within the intellectuals of the day, most of whom had opposed nationalism, expansionist foreign policy, and war itself, but had no figurehead to organize a united movement against the rising tides of fascism, nationalism, and continent-wide conflict. He did think that the writer Romain Rolland tried to write about the need for unity and peace, and his admiration for his work grew greatly.
Zweig recalls how beautiful the summer of 1914 was in Europe: “[E]ven today when I say the word ‘summer’ I instinctively think about the glorious July days that I spent in Baden near Vienna that year” (237). The beauty of this summer was not to last, and Zweig recalls hearing the news that Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Habsburg throne, had been assassinated with his wife, Sophie, in Sarajevo. Although this event would come to be understood as the catalyst for the start of World War I, its impact on European society was not immediately evident, in part because of how unpopular the archduke had been.
It did not take long for the political ramifications of the assassination to become more apparent, however, and the papers soon began to report more news from the Balkans, where the perceived threat to Serbian independence posed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire had resulted in the assassination of the archduke; the Serbian state now stood accused of playing a direct role in the death of Franz Ferdinand and Sophie. Still, in Vienna there was a general sense that the affairs of the Balkans were far removed from everyday life, and it was assumed that the two governments would sort matters out. Alas, this was not to be. Newspaper headlines detailed the growing unrest in Europe with greater and greater frequency. It was reported that Austria-Hungary would challenge Russia, that Germany was preparing to mobilize its troops, and that Austria-Hungary’s ultimatum to Serbia had been met with an evasive response. By the time that Austria-Hungary officially declared war on Serbia, tourists began to leave their resorts in droves, and Zweig was able to take the last train leaving his seaside village in Belgium bound for Germany. On the way, he saw the mobilization of German forces, and he realized that, in violation of international law, Germany had begun its invasion of Belgium.
Back in Vienna, the atmosphere was surprisingly energetic. People of all walks of life came together in a show of unity that even Zweig, although staunchly opposed to war, found compelling. In hindsight, he is struck by how unprepared Europeans were for the catastrophic social, political, and economic upheaval that the war would bring to the continent. He does not see this same spirit of enthusiasm among Europeans as World War II is getting underway, and he thinks that the lessons learned during the last Great War are still fresh in the cultural consciousness. Zweig could understand the atmosphere of nationalistic support but remained firmly against war, and he took a job in an official military archive rather than enlist. Although he still identified as cosmopolitan, as “European,” there was a nationalistic entrenchment among many of his peers, German writers in particular. He recalls the great impact that such writers and other noted intellectuals had on public sentiment, and describes the way that their “propaganda” created a hawkish, war-mongering attitude within the populace.
These chapters open with a description of Zweig’s travels beyond Europe and his own meditations on how inspirational they were to him. This set of anecdotes painfully foreshadows the way that World War I, only years away, would limit mobility in Europe and through nationalistic ideological orientation, turn Europeans away from one another and inward toward their own nations. Although this portion of the text does detail the beginning of the war that would forever alter the continent of Europe, it also contains descriptions of the tremendous spirit of possibility Zweig saw on the continent during this time.
Zweig recalls being thoroughly energized by the Europe of the early 1910s, and his descriptions of the changes made possible by the industrial revolution and the progress-oriented social movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries contribute to the text’s historical importance. He writes about the shortened workday and the rise of labor movements, about the health benefits of public restrooms and various medical advancements. This was a period during which so many of the various possibilities that swirled around in the consciousness of the intellectuals of his youth seemed to be coming to fruition all at once, and because of the way that these changes swept across Europe, Zweig remembers feeling an even stronger commitment to cosmopolitanism.
These pre-war years brought about a very noticeable shift toward youth, who begin to be understood as the source of innovation, inspiration, and societal change. For the first time in Zweig’s life, he and his cohort’s ideas are seen as central to public discourse, rather than a dangerous deviation from established traditions. He, his fellow intellectuals, and all of Europe feel a sense of pride in the era’s progress, and everywhere he sees signs that Europe is looking forward, not backward.
And yet, this spirit of progress coincides with The Rise of Extremist Ideologies, for nationalism is gaining traction all over Europe. The alliances and factions that would become aggressors in World War I had already formed, although many Europeans do not examine the less desirable aspects of progress closely enough to realize their danger. Zweig returns in these chapters to the idea of The False Promise of Security, because he locates the inability to recognize the true threat posed by extremism within the “cult” of progress that saw European advancement as a sign of its unshakeable strength. Although 19th-century Austria had located security within the past while early 20th-century Austria seemed to locate it in the promise of the future, in both cases the general populace was lulled into a false sense of safety because of the trust they put in society to maintain a steady course. In retrospect, Zweig can see how nationalism, along with the expansionist foreign policies of multiple European states, Austria included, heralded the coming of war, but at the time he and other Austrians view war in the Balkans as “far away.” Geographically the Balkan peninsula is very much a part of Europe, but culturally it is seen, because of its having been ruled by the Turks for so many centuries, as the gateway to the East, and there is a sense at this time that unrest in the conflict-prone region has little to do with stable, stalwart old Europe.
Because of Austrians’ false sense of security, there is initially widespread excitement about the war, and Zweig recalls returning to a Vienna decked out in finery and enthusiastically on the side of Austria-Hungary and Germany. Here, too, Zweig sees The False Promise of Security, for Austrian citizens could not fathom the unprecedented loss and fracture that World War I would bring. It was unthinkable to Zweig and his contemporaries that the end result of this conflict would be the dissolution of the entire Austro-Hungarian Empire. In this widespread inability to see things as they were, Zweig sees a foreshadowing of World War II.