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50 pages 1 hour read

Wade Davis

The Wayfinders: Why Ancient Wisdom Matters in the Modern World

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2009

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Chapter 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary: “Season of the Brown Hyena”

This series of Massey Lectures begins by proposing the concept of the ethnosphere, “the myriad of cultures [that] make up an intellectual and spiritual web of life that envelops the planet,” and the “the sum total of all thoughts and intuitions, myths and beliefs, ideas and inspirations brought into being by the human imagination since the dawn of consciousness” (2). This web of human culture is being destroyed even faster than its counterpart, the biosphere, with language loss being the “canary in the coal mine” (3) of this decline into cultural homogeneity. At least half of the world’s languages will soon be extinct, and this precipitates the loss of the cultural genius coded into each of these tongues.

Across the earth there is a 99.9% unanimity of genetic code. Contemporary DNA analysis simultaneously disproves the concept of scientifically significant differentiation of ethnicities and allows us to track the prehistoric spread of humanity throughout the continents. Until some 60,000 years ago, all humanity lived in Africa and from there migrated across the earth. Science can track these waves of migration into specific epochs.

The variations in human appearance and culture was historically used to promote racial elitism. In the 19th century, the nascent field of anthropology helped justify a European worldview that positioned Victorian England at the peak of social advancement. Taking the recent works of Charles Darwin and Carl Linnaeus as their foundation, anthropologists descended into the creation of pseudosciences such as phrenology and eugenics, which falsely confirmed Europe’s racial elitism. These racially biased pseudosciences were elitist and also dangerous—eugenics was used to justify Nazi genocide. This same elitism, bolstered by poor science, helped justify colonial destruction of indigenous peoples; early academic explorations of these cultures accounted for their “savagery” and “backwardness” without taking any initiative to understand their worldviews.

This history manifested as widespread skepticism of anthropological science that still exists to this day. However, “science is only one way of knowing” (16), and today the science of anthropology affirms the same fact genetics proves: the equality of humanity and its cultures. Davis writes, “There are no sharp genetic differences among populations” (17), and therefore each culture shares an equal genius and equal answer to the fundamental question of what it means to be human. No answer supersedes any other, and no culture is justified in subjugating, eliminating, or assimilating another. Each one is uniquely valuable and valid. The real threat to remaining indigenous peoples is not science but the ideological pursuit of power by industry, governments, and other hostile bodies.

The San people of the Kalahari Desert are as close as any culture comes to the peoples who inhabited Africa before migrations out of this continent began. The San, “quite possibly the oldest culture in the world” (20), survive as hunter-gatherers and speak a language unrelated to any other living tongue. Their way of life is defined by the desert’s dry and wet seasons, an ancient rhythm of interchange with the landscape. The month of April marks hunting season, when men range the landscape hunting with bows and arrows tipped with a deadly toxin derived from two species of beetle. The San are incredibly skillful trackers who can read the landscape, effectively hunt hippos, elephants, and birds, and scare lions off kills, all with only basic weapons. Highly athletic, San hunters can run down antelope.

Just as the alternation of dry and wet seasons are the crux of the San calendar, “the hunt is the metaphor that brings us into the very heart of San life” (24). A successful hunt is required of boys to become men and marry. The arrow “represents the highest achievement of San technology” (25). It is both a tool and prominent exchange gift. Meat and fire are also important symbolic elements of life.

Davis notes that “language, stealth, spirit, [and] adaptive genius […] were the tools that allowed the San to survive the Kalahari” (26). These same tools kindled humanity’s incredible history; they are the first components of human genius. Modern homo sapiens evolved 200,000 years ago in Africa. Our first art—cave paintings of animals at Chauvet, Altamira and Lascaux—emerged in the Paleolithic period, roughly 27,000 years ago. Such paintings are thought by some to be a record of a moment in human history in which we began to differentiate ourselves from animals, crafting our first religious symbols from the landscapes around us. In the Neolithic period, beginning roughly 10,000 years ago, this relationship with the landscape became agrarian: Nomads settled in pastoral and farming societies, domesticating plants and animals for the first time. This new sedentary lifestyle allowed the production of agricultural surplus and the accompanying growth of social hierarchies and specialization, “the hallmarks of civilization” (32). This history brought us here, to our modern resource-driven industrial world. But this is not the only world that exists—other cultures that refused the sedentary lifestyle still maintain ancient and egalitarian relationships with the earth.

Chapter 1 Analysis

This first lecture introduces the core concepts Davis will discuss throughout the book, specifically the ethnosphere, which is central to text.

The lecture can be divided into two main parts. The first defines the ethnosphere, establishes a thesis and direction for Davis’s discussion, and explores the history of anthropology and European industrial destruction of culture and habitat. The effects of the “Victorian cult of improvement” (11), what Davis later calls the “cult of progress” (188), is the central catastrophe of the text, and each chapter, while providing slightly different arguments, examines different examples of the effects of industrialization and manufacturing-based economies on non-European cultures. These narratives are both historic, recounting colonial histories, and contemporary, recounting ongoing habitat destruction.

In this first section Davis sets up the arguments he makes in future lectures about the perennial wisdom of these culture’s ways of life. He argues for the necessity of the survival and adoption of their worldviews to promote political and ecological harmony on earth. The fallibility of Western culture is crucial to this argument. Exposing Victorian conceptions of humanity as flawed, Davis argues that science is “only one way of knowing” (16). By doing so Davis primes his audience to accept the alternative examples of knowing, genius, and progress cited in the following lectures.

In the second part of the chapter Davis shifts to thoroughly discuss an indigenous culture, the San of the Kalahari. The San are a hunter-gatherer group of various Khoisan-speaking indigenous peoples that today inhabit several Southern African nations. Davis highlights their cultural history as much deeper, older, and better-established than that of the West, and effectively inverts the cultural authority he exposed in the first section. Davis positions the San as the elder institution, the deeper truth, and the better survivors.

The lecture’s format is slightly different from the next four. Later lectures alternate between historical and scientific analysis and first-hand anthropological accounts, sometimes describing up to three or four cultures in a single lecture. Here, however, Davis provides only one account, and in fact never mentions personally visiting the people, as he does for almost every culture featured in later lectures.

Though the format diverges, the tone of this first lecture is consistent with the others. Though a scientist, Davis uses a highly accessible writing style that focuses on narrative and image as its core orienting strategies. While describing the “Victorian cult of improvement” (11), for example, Davis provides a chronological development for this ideology, which is easier to follow than a stark argumentative refutation. Similarly, the text’s first lines open with a sequence of beautiful somatic imagery that invites readers into the imaginative space of Davis’s storytelling: “peoples who have not forgotten the old ways, who still feel their past in the wind, touch it in stones polished by rain, taste it in the bitter leaves of plants” (1). Manipulating a technique more predisposed to orature than the written word, this style emphasizes Davis’s main gesture in these lectures. He argues for the preservation of the world’s ancient cultures not because they offer some succinct or quantifiable benefit to the modern world but because of their beauty, genius, poetry, and dreams. His writing style embraces and embodies this appreciation. Writing (or speaking) this way helps readers understand these cultures’ frames of mind and “grasp the native’s point of view” (69), which Davis later cites as the central goal of all cultural anthropology.

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