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Montesquieu

The Spirit of Laws

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1748

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Themes

The Ideal Types of Government and Their Principles

Early in the treatise, Montesquieu outlines the text’s foundational concepts. Among these concepts are three ideal types of government and their corresponding principles. An ideal type of government is not the best conceivable form of government. It is, rather, the form of governance towards which actual governments tend.

For Montesquieu, the three fundamental (ideal) types of government are republics, monarchies, and despotic regimes. He distinguishes them as follows:

[R]epublican government is that in which the people as a body, or only a part of the people, have sovereign power; monarchical government is that in which one alone governs, but by fixed and established laws; whereas, in despotic government, one alone, without law and without rule, draws everything along by his will and his caprices (10).

Even if actual governments do not perfectly embody these three, they are dominated by one form or the other. The United States government, for instance, was modeled on the republican form. The Ancien Regime, which ruled France during Montesquieu’s lifetime, was a monarchy. Ancient Chinese dynasties were despotic. Each type of government is distinguishable by two fundamental properties: how many individuals govern and whether there is an established rule of law. Republics are governed by multiple individuals—in democracies, this is the multitude, while in aristocracy, this is the few—who do so through the rule of law. Despotic regimes have neither trait in common: There is but one prince (or despot), and there is no law but the caprice of the ruler. Monarchies occupy a middle position: The king rules but not without the justification and backing of an administrative judicial system.

Each of these governments is guided by a fundamental principle that is essential to its nature. The more a government reflects an ideal type, the more it abides by this principle. In republics, the principle is virtue; in monarchies, honor; in despotic regimes, fear. As a historian and purveyor of global politics, Montesquieu uses The Spirit of the Law to dispense practical guidance for how each form of government can best actualize its principle. This means that there is no generalizable best practice for all governments: There are three separate standards. This also does not mean that Montesquieu equally esteems each of these governments. The principles of honor and virtue are, to his mind, far superior to that of fear, which makes citizens into slaves. With notable exception, Montesquieu is emphatically anti-slavery.

Montesquieu maintains that everything from education, to gift giving, to artistic censorship should be uniquely directed according to forms of government. Education in a republic, for example, should inspire civic duty and patriotism. In a monarchy, the world is, in a sense, one’s educator; one should seek out professions based on the ambition to be esteemed as honorable. In despotic countries, there is no true education of which to speak, but people should be made to learn their unfortunate place, i.e., they should be educated in subjugation. Montesquieu writes, “[J]ust as education in monarchies works only to elevate the heart, education in despotic states seeks only to bring it down. There, education must bring about servility” (34).

In short, the three ideal types of governments tend toward three general characters for their governed subjects. Though all are born equal, the laws make vast and immediate distinctions among peoples. Montesquieu views the nuance of various governments through this simple system of classification.

The Spirit of the Laws

The treatise receives its title from one of Montesquieu’s central concepts: the spirit of the laws. Though Montesquieu never defines “spirit,” he opens Book 1 with a definition of “law.” He writes, “laws, taken in the broadest meaning, are the necessary relations deriving from the nature of things; and in this sense, all beings have their laws” (3). Laws are simply how things must interact with one another. The prescribed action, though, can vary. For instance, laws of nature are always applied in all physical circumstances. The positive laws of men, on the contrary, should be applied in all circumstances. This by no means necessitates that they are in fact applied as they should be.

The nature of law relates to the nature of two different kinds of “worlds,” which Montesquieu delineates as the physical world and the intelligible world. Whereas God is only of the intelligible world and the beasts are only of the physical world, human beings inhabit both worlds. As such, the humanmade positive law should mediate between these two poles. Montesquieu writes, “There is, then, a primitive reason; and laws are both the relations that exist between it and the different beings, and the relations of these various beings to each other” (3). In typical Enlightenment-era fashion, Montesquieu assumes a natural order and reason invested in the nature of things, i.e., a “primitive reason.” The laws of both the physical and the intelligible worlds reflect this reason. Human institutions should strive to understand the fundamental rationality of reality and to create laws that accord with natural reason. The relative naturalness (or unnaturalness) of human laws is consistently evaluated throughout the treatise.

When the laws of any given society are taken as a whole, they give rise to a particular spirit: “This spirit consists in the various relations that laws may have with various things” (9). The variety of “things” with which the laws must interact is highly dependent on the particular circumstances of any given country: its established political system (especially its ideal form of government), the climate, geography, religion, history, and culture. From this melting pot of influences, the laws receive their ultimate meaning and “spirit.” Though there are only three ideal kinds of government, the spirit of the laws will be highly unique to each society and political situation. Good laws are, by definition, attuned to the spirit of the law and the “general spirit” of the people.

Montesquieu’s project, as the title announces, is an evaluation and elucidation of the spirit of the laws. Though he occasionally goes into depth about the spirit of a particular society, like the Medieval Germanic tribes of Gaul, his ultimate purpose to show that this spirit is a guiding principle in all societies. Wise governance requires understanding and honor of this spirit.

Political Liberty and the Branches of Government

Some of Montesquieu’s most influential work is housed in Book 11 of Part 1, “On the laws that form political liberty in its relation with the constitution.” Though there are varied issues within this book, it is Montesquieu’s concept of the tripartite division of government that had a lasting impact, especially in the American political system as constructed by Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and others.

In a chapter lauding the English constitution, Montesquieu lists the three fundamental powers of government: “legislative power, executive power depending on the right of nations, and executive power over the things depending on civil rights,” the last of which he also calls “the power of judging” (156-57). In the American political system, these powers correspond to the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.

A moderate government, concerned with citizens’ political liberty, ought to distinguish and circumscribe these powers to three different authorities, or branches of government. However, it is important to note that not all governments are moderate or concerned with political liberty, and this separation of powers does not apply to such governments. Moderate governments ought to pursue political liberty, that is, the citizens’ freedom to act virtuously. Montesquieu writes true liberty differs from the idea that liberty is the freedom to do what one wants; it is, instead, the freedom to be virtuous. As such, political liberty is the business of republics, and so republics should strive for moderate governments that limit the power of particular groups or individuals. Montesquieu writes that moderation, and hence political liberty,

is present only when power is not abused. It has eternally been observed that any man who has power is led to abuse it; he continues until he finds limits. Who would think it! Even virtue has need of limits. So that one cannot abuse power, power must check power by the arrangement of things (155).

In order to arrange things appropriately, power must be divided. Montesquieu, in admiration of the constitutional monarchy in England, goes on to describe this separation of powers by advocating for what we would now term a system of checks and balances. The various powers of government should extend no further than the limits circumscribed to them by the constitution, and the extent of this power is balanced by the power of the other branches of government. The power of one branch can be checked by another, as well. For instance, the executive power cannot take part in the creation of new law; this power belongs to the legislature. However, the executive branch should have the power of limiting the power of the legislature through the power of the veto, which Montesquieu calls “the right to render null a resolution taken by another” (161). The judiciary, which has executive power over civil disputes, should have its power checked by the law written by the legislature. Montesquieu writes, “The judges of the nation are, as we have said, only the mouth that pronounces the words of the law” (163). Their power is, then, strictly limited to interpretation of law, not alteration or creation.

The separation of powers intends to institute a moderate government and hence the political liberty, or opportunity for virtue, of the citizenry. As such, it is not a model for governments that are unconcerned with virtue. Montesquieu is, though, very well disposed toward republics. The Romans, the Athenians, and the British are amongst his favorite examples of well legislated societies. Each, to a degree, formed a moderate, republican government through the separation of powers. For Montesquieu, the constitutional monarchy in modern England best fits the bill. Colonial politicians and American revolutionaries were explicitly influenced by Montesquieu’s theory.

Laws, Mores, and Manners

Though Montesquieu’s primary object of investigation is the spirit of the laws across historical and geographical divides, he also focuses heavily on the various mores. Mores are expressed in the customs and social expectations of communities, societies, and tribes. According to Montesquieu, mores and laws are both extremely influential on the character of a people and the abiding spirit of their civilization. Though mores and laws certainly influence one another, they are two very different kinds of determining social factors.

Montesquieu writes, “Laws are established, mores are inspired; the latter depend more on the general spirit, the former depend more on a particular institution” (314). Although laws have their own spirit, the “general” spirit of the society has a wider impact on the nature and direction of the people. Montesquieu notes that the general spirit of a people arises from many factors, including law, climate, religion, mores, etc. Though laws and mores both determine the general spirit, mores directly relate to this general spirit; they are its “inspired,” immediate manifestation. Laws, on the other hand, are refracted through particular institutions, and these institutions have a life of their own. The principles directing the government might not perfectly reflect the general spirit. The Spirit of the Laws largely concerns the edification of these institutions and the effects they have on the virtue and vice of a people.

The distinction between laws and mores also piggybacks off a distinction between the citizen and the person. Laws are directed at the behavior of the citizen. Mores are directed at the actions of the full person. The citizen is certainly a person, but the person is always much more than a citizen. This is the primary reason why Montesquieu is wary of law aimed at changing the mores of a people: “In general, peoples are very attached to their customs; taking their customs from them violently makes them unhappy; therefore, one must not change their customs, but engage the peoples to change themselves” (316). He also warns legislators of all stripes, especially despots, not to infringe upon the general spirit of the nation unless the principles of the government render it absolutely necessary. This might happen, for example, if a monarchical government, which is directed by honor, is confronted with a particularly undignified custom.

Montesquieu makes another distinction between mores and manners, which hinges on a separation between internal and external conduct. Good manners are the appropriate external behavior for a social situation, while mores affect the inner psychology of a person and become deeply associated with identity. In any case, Montesquieu argues, a good prince should “reform by laws what is established by laws and change by manners what is established by manners” (315). Confusing the two can lead to infringements on liberty and the hatred of the people.

Laws, mores, manners, and their dynamic interplay are all crucial to the “general spirit” of a society. To understand the spirit of the laws, the political theorist should analyze the larger, general spirit of a people.

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