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Erving GoffmanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Goffman takes up the issue of individuals who are present during a performance but who acquire information that, if made public, may ruin the impression given off to their audience. Goffman terms the type of information that can ruin a group’s image “destructive information.” Goffman focuses on “destructive information” and the various subjective positions within a performance that are on its receiving end because it includes all those facts that, if acquired by an audience member, would shatter the public image and impression desired by the performance team. Goffman categorizes those individuals who do acquire such information as “discrepant roles.” Of these discrepant roles, there exist six main types and three subtypes (the six main types are informers, shills, spotters, professional shoppers, go-betweens, and non-persons; the three subtypes are specialists, confidants, and colleagues).
An informer is “someone who pretends to the performers to be a member of their team, is allowed to come backstage and to acquire destructive information, and then openly or secretly sells out the show to the audience” (145). These kinds of people typically work within the political, military, industrial, and criminal sectors of society. A shill “acts as though he were an ordinary member of the audience but is in fact in league with the performers” (146). The shill may model the response the performers seek from the audience, or they may provide “the kind of audience response that is necessary at the moment for the development of the performance.” (146). A classic example of this is someone planted in the crowd on behalf of the performers and who provides expressions of encouragement that are appropriate to the overall aim of the situation (e.g., individuals who laugh or cheer during a comedic performance).
A spotter is someone “hired to check up on the standards that performers maintain in order to ensure that in certain respects fostered appearances will not be too far from reality” (147). Whether officially or unofficially, the spotter acts “as a protective agent for the unsuspecting public, playing the role of audience with more perception and ethical strictness than ordinary observers” (147). Good examples of such persons are “secret shoppers” or individuals hired by a company to pose as paying customers but whose job is to assess the professional standards of the employs of said company. A professional shopper, which differs from the secret shopper, is someone who blends in with the audience and leaves when the performance is over, but “when he leaves he goes to his employer, a competitor of the team whose performance he has witnessed, to report what he has seen” (149). In contemporary terms, these people act as informants and perhaps even steal trade secrets to give an advantage to the competitor of the performance group. A go-between, or mediator, is someone who “learns the secrets of each side and gives each side the true impression that he will keep its secrets; but he tends to give each side the false impression that he is more loyal to it than to the other” (149). Good examples of a go-between are mediators during a divorce settlement, or someone who serves as the arbiter during a labor dispute between workers and management.
A non-person is “present during the interaction but in some respects do not take the role either of performer or of audience, nor do they (as do informers, shills, and spotters) pretend to be what they are not” (151). According to Goffman, the best example of this is the servant. The servant is present for a given interaction between performers and audience, their role in the interaction is known to both parties, and they contribute to the overall performance through their nonparticipatory presence.
In addition to the primary ways individuals take on discrepant roles, Goffman adds three additional instances of discrepant roles: specialist, confidant, and colleague. What distinguishes these individuals from those previously mentioned is that while each comes into the possession of “destructive information,” they do not take advantage of it. Examples include an athletic medicine specialist who knows the health of a star athlete but neither reveals it to an opponent nor benefits from it by placing bets on the opposing team in an upcoming game; a confidant who receives less-than-moral stories of a friend without benefiting from it or outing them to people they know; or a work colleague who knows about the backstage dramas that unfold because they work the same type of job as the individual). Thus, Goffman concludes the number of ways destructive information can manifest itself relative to “discrepant roles” and the ways certain roles actually provide a much-needed and noble service, while others are more often used for the worse instead of the better.
Goffman takes up the issue of communication out of character; that is, instances wherein one performer communicates with, or treats, another performer in a manner that is wholly opposed to their mode of expression in front of an audience. However, for the team to maintain a favorable impression in their audience’s eyes, this type of communication is excluded from the performance and takes place solely within a performance team’s dynamic. Consequently, Goffman calls this an “undercurrent of communication” or “communication out of character” (168), where the character in question is the role an individual performs in front of their public.
Additionally, Goffman identifies four main types of this form of communication: treatment of the absent, staging talk, team collusion, and realigning actions. Treatment of the absent refers to ways performers relate to their teammates when they are out of the audience’s view. Perhaps one of the most common examples of this is when performers disparage, or speak poorly about, the audience. In such instances, communicating out of character within a team setting manifests as a disparaging “treatment of the absent” audience. Goffman writes, “When the members of a team go backstage where the audience cannot see or hear them, they very regularly derogate the audience in a way that is inconsistent with the face-to-face treatment that is given to the audience” (170). He uses service trades as an example, as customers are treated with respect during the performance but are often ridiculed, mocked, criticized, gossiped about, or condemned backstage.
Staging talk refers to the kinds of conversations and discussions had among performers in the absence of the audience; the content of these conversations revolves around the conditions of the performance to be given. Performers raise questions “about the condition of sign-equipment; stands, lines, and positions are tentatively brought forth and ‘cleared’ by the assembled membership […] the size and character of possible audiences for the performance are considered” (175-76). In more contemporary terms, one would characterize this discourse as the performance team “talking shop.”
Team collusion refers to the way, during a performance, certain members of the group acknowledge that one of the performers is acting out of character in a way that isn’t immediately noticeable or disruptive. In situations such as this, members of a team will acknowledge this fact and act in such a way as to maintain the dividing line of the front and back regions to preserve the impression being fostered by their activity. As Goffman puts it, “I shall call ‘team collusion’ any collusive communication which is carefully conveyed in such a way as to cause no threat to the illusion that is being fostered for the audience” (177). Lastly, realigning actions refers to how members of different teams or the same team interact and communicate with each other in such a way that, while roles and performances may still be sustained and executed, subtle shifts also transpire that alter the balance regarding the relations of power of the situation. Goffman describes unwanted sexual advances from male group members as one example among many:
“an even more aggressive action against the alignment between the sexes is found in situations where the working consensus is defined in terms of superordination and distance on the part of a performer who happens to be a woman and subordination on the part of a performer who happens to be a man. The possibility arises that the male performer will redefine the situation to emphasize his sexual superordination as opposed to his socio-economic subordination […] And when we study service occupations […] inevitably we find that practitioners have anecdotes to tell about the time they or one of their colleagues redefined the service relation into a sexual one (or had it redefined for them)” (193-94).
For Goffman, the ways relations between teams or within a single team shift and realign the participants highlights that whether or not a particular performer feels like they are being their “authentic” self, intrateam and interteam interaction demonstrates that every performer negotiates many different sides of themselves that cannot be revealed simultaneously without ruining the performance. He writes, “Whether performers feel their official offering is the ‘realest’ reality or not, they will give surreptitious expression to multiple versions of reality, each version tending to be incompatible with the others” (207).
Goffman summarizes his arguments from the previous chapters to focus on “the arts of impression management” (210). Here Goffman refers to the ways a performance can be disrupted (e.g., unmeant gestures, inopportune intrusions, faux pas, one performer acting out of character and causing a scene). These disruptions “are often called ‘incidents.’ When an incident occurs, the reality sponsored by the performers is threatened” (212). To limit these incidents and the resulting embarrassment, all participants in the situation must “possess certain attributes” and “express these attributes in practices employed for saving the show” (212). These attributes and practices constitute that class of actions called impression management. Of the many kinds of impression management skills employed by performers, Goffman identifies three “defensive measures” and one “protective measure” as the four main ways performers manage the audience’s impression: loyalty, discipline, prudence (defensive measures), and tact (protective measure).
Regarding loyalty, Goffman argues that cultivating a sense of belonging, self-worth, and appreciation on the part of all its members, regardless as to whether or not they contribute to the disruption of a performance, is one of the key ways a team can manage a performance. Building a sense of trust and belonging within a team helps manage the possibility of a team member defecting from the group and actively disrupting a performance by revealing private information to the audience.
Regarding discipline, Goffman argues that cultivating a sense of discipline helps avoid disruptions. And if a disruption were to occur, “the disciplined performer will be prepared to offer a plausible reason for discounting the disruptive event” (216). Thus, a sense of discipline entails a readiness on the performers’ part to smooth over any disruptions that an audience may witness. Regarding circumspection, Goffman is referring to all the ways a team prepares and stages the performance; “in the interests of the team, performers will be required to exercise prudence and circumspection in staging the show, preparing in advance for likely contingencies and exploiting the opportunities that remain” (219).
Now, regarding tact as a protective measure, Goffman refers to how performers reinforce certain mannerisms and behaviors to ensure segregation between the audience and the performance’s back regions. He explains that access to a performance’s front and back regions is controlled not only by performers but also by others. Individuals usually avoid regions they have not been invited into, and they tend to give some warning, such as a message, cough, or knock, before entering such a region. This advance warning gives performers time to stall the intrusion or adjust the setting so that “proper expressions” are fixed on their faces. Thus, it is through defensive and protective measures that performers can manage the audience’s overall impression of the situation.
Goffman summarizes the entire text and concludes with a definition of the “self.” The study’s overarching framework asserts that a social establishment is a fixed location with clear spatial and temporal boundaries that serves as the setting for a particular performance by a group of individuals. Now, social establishments may be considered in five ways: technically, politically, structurally, culturally, and dramaturgically (this last one being Goffman’s own contribution to sociological study). To view a social establishment technically means to analyze it “in terms of its efficiency and inefficiency as an intentionally organized system of activity for the achievement of predefined objectives” (240). Thus, the technical assessment of a social establishment judges a performance based on the group’s ability to achieve its desired end.
To view a social establishment politically means to assess it “in terms of the actions which each participant […] can demand of other participants […] and the kinds of social controls which guide the exercise of command and use of sanctions” (240). In other words, the political aspect of social establishments involves how decision-making power is distributed within the group and the rights allocated to each of its members. To view a social establishment structurally means to assess it “in terms of the horizontal and vertical status divisions and the kinds of social relations which relate these several groupings to one another” (240). This means that the structural aspect of an establishment is the division of labor and tasks within a performance team’s various groupings. To view an establishment culturally means to assess “the moral values which influence activity in the establishment—values pertaining to fashions, customs, and matters of taste, to politeness and decorum, to ultimate ends and normative restrictions on means” (240). Thus, an establishment’s cultural aspect refers to the values that dictate the group’s appearance and mannerisms as a whole. Lastly, the dramaturgical aspect of an establishment is the “techniques of impression management employed in a given establishment” (240). In other words, the dramaturgical aspect deals with the regulation and preservation of the overall experience and impression fostered upon the audience.
However, Goffman’s final remarks regarding the nature of the self are perhaps his most important addition to the overall analysis of social establishments. Goffman writes, “the self is a product of all these arrangements [teammates, staging, techniques of impression management], and in all of its parts bears the mark of this genesis” (253). Thus, while it is important to understand the complex levels of interaction and communication that go into every social interaction, it is equally, if not more, important to remember that the individual who performs is not identical to the role they play.
Chapters 4-7 survey the issues of discrepant roles, communication out of character, and the art of impression management, and culminate with a summary conclusion. In Chapter 4 Goffman describes those individuals who are present during a performance but who do not fit neatly into the category of performer or audience. Additionally, because these individuals are present and thus acquire information regarding the performance, they occupy a position such that they could possibly disclose said information to the detriment of the performance as a whole. These individuals are sometimes known as informers, shills, professional shoppers, mediators, or non-persons (e.g., servants). Additionally, there is a subsection of these discrepant roles whose actions do not threaten the performance. These are specialists, confidants, and colleagues.
In Chapter 5 Goffman explores the phenomena of communication out of character, those instances wherein an individual performer acts or expresses themselves in a way that is inappropriate in front of an audience. However, not all instances of communicating out of character are considered morally corrupt, since, as Goffman points out, communicating out of character simply means shifting to a more informal manner of speaking with a fellow performer when out of the audience’s view.
In Chapter 6 Goffman discusses the possibility of disruption to the ongoing performance. In instances where a disruption may occur or has occurred, the performance team must rely on their “impression management” skills to salvage the impression they intend to foster on the audience. Within a team’s repertoire of impression management skills, there are two main options: defensive and protective measures. Defensive measures are taken to avoid a disruption from taking place, while protective measures are taken to quickly correct the situation and draw the audience’s attention away from the disruptive scene.
In Chapter 7 Goffman concludes with perhaps the most important addition to his overall analysis of everyday social life when he asserts that “the self is a product of all these arrangements [teammates, staging, techniques of impression management], and in all of its parts bears the mark of this genesis” (253). While it is important to understand the complex levels of interaction and communication that go into every social situation, it is crucial to remember that the individual is not identical to the role they play. The selves we encounter in everyday social life are more often reflections of a social role rather than a reflection of an individual’s true self.