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Alex S. VitaleA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Vitale compares liberal democratic approaches to policing to that of communist police forces. The act of “monitoring and disrupting political activity through surveillance, infiltration, criminal entrapment, and repressing protests” are tools that policing under both ideologies have adopted (197). Arguably, both regimes could not survive without these practices and herein lies Vitale’s main argument. Politics and policing are integral to each other’s survival. Vitale turns the reader’s attention to recent surveillance of Muslims as part of the War on Terror as an example (201). Older examples include the Palmer Raids (1919), the FBI’s Counterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO) (1956), and the Red Squads (1904-present). From infiltrating potential communists and affiliated groups to spying on the Black Civil Rights movement leaders such as Martin Luther King, these government agencies have little regard for constitutional rights and laws. Despite public outcry, new threats, real or not, continue to incite fear. As a result, white Americans are willing to sacrifice certain freedoms as these agencies focus predominantly on people of color. Thus, they are unaware of or simply do not care about the consequences that this brings with it.
Vitale argues that freedoms given in exchange for security have underlying issues that the public are not aware of. First, paramilitary techniques fail to provide public safety. The opposite is true, as evidenced by riot control mechanisms enforced in Ferguson, Missouri. Second, Vitale argues that the right to protest is a constitutional one. Again, the example of Ferguson highlights how police have violated citizens’ First Amendment rights. The threat of potential violence or destruction of property is not a sufficient excuse in doing so. In the case of Ferguson, Vitale argues that politicians are liable and should be addressing their constituents with political solutions: “Local officials could also have attempted to dial back the police’s posture toward protest as threatening and illegitimate” (217). Equally, Vitale calls for the role of police in terrorism investigations to be curtailed. So long as political bias exists and police continue to act as agents of moral authority, Vitale believes that these abuses of rights will continue.
Vitale concludes by exploring the culture of policing. Arguing that its very foundation is based on anti-democratic ideals, he holds that it will continue to be difficult but not impossible to find suitable solutions for existing police training and accountability. He gives the decriminalization of gambling and prohibition of alcohol in the early 20th century as case examples: “These two changes reduced the scope of policing without sacrificing public safety” (222). Ending prohibition and introducing legalized state-controlled lotteries led to the reduction of organized crime, a decrease in incarceration rates, and an enhanced view of police professionalism (222). Thus, it stands to reason that legalization of drugs, prostitution, and changes in immigration policies could benefit all parties. Vitale states that the money saved from legalizing the latter could be better put to use in developing social, economic, and racial justice programs (226). By confronting existing prejudices only then, he claims, can Americans begin to build a better future for all Americans.
At the core of Vitale’s work is the recognition that policing has been a dismal failure. This is in part due to continued prejudicial practices and policies implemented internally that have been supported by local, state, and federal governments. A history of colonization and genocidal practices by Great Britain and France is also to blame. The dehumanization of minorities has served to only reinforce existing prejudices as has the rationale for failing to provide these groups with suitable funding and resources to flourish. It also serves to ease the collective conscience of American society when atrocities are committed against minorities. Institutional racism, racial profiling, and sociobiological determinants of crime continue to pepper fields like criminology and police technology.
Additionally, a culture of subterfuge has been a staple of police practices since its inception. Vitale is quite clear in that policing does not prevent crime. Instead, they provide a sense of safety and security for the prevailing upper class yet serve only to surveil, infiltrate, and control those who would threaten their dominance. Thus, it stands to reason that until this history is confronted, any reform is only as strong as the foundation that it is based on. While Vitale does make numerous alternative suggestions on how the police can move forward, it is in many ways an exercise in futility. This is because American society as a whole has been held hostage by a political narrative that criminalizes the other for the US government’s shortcomings and for the benefit of the elite. Moral panics, misinformation, and a lack of accountability continue to embolden policing and politics equally. Vitale seems despondent despite his impassioned pleas to ignite social and economic change that would benefit the masses. It begs the question whether a new entity needs to be created to replace policing as a whole.
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