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Laurie GarrettA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
One of the main features of the rise of new infectious diseases in the 20th century was the role of urban centers as magnets and mixing bowls for microbial spread. Garrett notes, “Cities, in short, were microbe heavens, or, as British biochemist John Cairns put it, ‘graveyards of mankind’” (235). The dense population rates that characterized cities allowed microbes to increase their transmission exponentially. This disease feature was seen throughout human history, perhaps nowhere more compellingly than in the plague of the Black Death in medieval Europe, which hit cities hard but did not spread well in rural areas. Microbes that had been interacting with human populations for millennia suddenly became existential threats in urban areas, a pattern that repeated itself in the rise of leprosy in medieval cities, tuberculosis in Enlightenment cities, and cholera in early industrial cities.
The effects of disease played into the social dynamics of city life. Those with the means to escape to unaffected rural areas would do so, but those who could not—often the poorest classes, who lived in the densest parts of the city—would suffer the greatest losses. Disease thus came to be associated with poverty and uncleanness, attitudes that led authorities to ignore the real causes of epidemic breakouts. Population density not only allowed greater transmission of microbes by air, water, or contact but by sexual means as well because more people with access to each other, combined with less rigid moral codes than those that held sway in rural villages, meant that there were innumerably more opportunities for sexual transmission. Urban areas became outbreak centers of sexually transmitted diseases, like syphilis.
The 20th century saw the urbanization of human populations to a far greater degree than ever before, and the pace of urbanization kept climbing throughout the century. In many countries, urban areas became surrounded by massive slums where people lived in dire poverty, often without access to clean water, sewage systems, or medical support. In such situations, traditionally rural diseases like river blindness, leishmaniasis, and dengue fever also started to appear in cities.
In Garrett’s analysis, one of the great “amplifiers” of microbial outbreaks in the twentieth century was sex, specifically, the multiple-partner sex patterns that arose in both industrially-developed and developing nations in the wake of the sexual revolution. Garrett first looks at the culture of gay communities in the 1970s, before the specter of AIDS arose, when a self-described “party atmosphere” prevailed. She also examines the liberation from traditional sexual mores experienced by young adults in developing nations when they emigrated from rural villages to urban centers: “In Europe and North America,” she writes, “it was gay men who took greatest advantage of the new climate; in developing countries, particularly in Africa, it was young heterosexuals” (263). Following the emergence of these social patterns was a corresponding rise in the rates of sexually transmitted diseases, including syphilis, gonorrhea, and herpes simplex viruses, some of which were already showing rapid gains in drug resistance.
Another significant amplifier of disease outbreaks was the rising rates of injected drugs. Microbes could make use of shared syringes and could also take advantage of drug users’ reduced immune systems. Many drug users lived in impoverished conditions with inadequate access to medical care. Because the AIDS epidemic at first appeared to affect only gay men and drug users, who bore a significant stigma in the eyes of society, authorities neglected to address the outbreaks. However, the effects did not remain isolated to those communities. The consequences of microbial transmission began to affect all levels of society, particularly because drug users regularly sold their blood and plasma to blood banks, and their blood carried the agents of disease to new hosts in other social classes.
At the beginning of the 1980s, several doctors around the world began noticing patients with a troubling set of symptoms, wasting away and dying from what appeared to be easily treatable diseases. Among these doctors were Michael Gottlieb and Joel Weisman in Los Angeles, whose studies on affected patients from the gay community showed that their T-cell immune response was practically nonexistent. Similar findings arose at the same time from San Francisco and Western Europe, also linked to gay communities there. The CDC began calling the disease “GRID”—Gay-Related Immunodeficiency Disease—because most known cases (but not all) were in young gay patients. In addition to the gay community, the disease had also begun decimating injecting drug users in several major US cities. The disease, later to be renamed AIDS, caused damage to the human immune system, and over months or years, patients would suffer and die from organ failures and common illnesses that their bodies could no longer fight off.
Initially, scientists struggled to understand the disease. Some thought it was just an immune system collapse caused by repeated behaviors (this perspective was usually set in terms prejudicial to gay culture), while others pointed to its apparent contagiousness and argued that it was likely the result of an unknown microbe. The latter group was proven correct as the spread of AIDS via blood transfusions and heterosexual transmission became apparent, meaning that a contagious agent, not a behavior, was responsible. Research into the disease was frequently held back because of social stigma and political hesitancy, and President Ronald Reagan’s administration was generally unsympathetic to the plight of the gay community and injecting drug users: “[…] [E]very aspect of AIDS research, control, and treatment was highly politicized by 1983” (310).
It became apparent in the early 1980s that AIDS was not isolated to gay communities in Europe and North America; it was widely present and spreading rapidly among heterosexuals in central Africa. Some doctors, particularly those from Western Europe, began postulating an African origin for AIDS, but the specter of racism quickly entered the global public response: “The world was convinced that Africa was witnessing an older, widespread epidemic that originated in monkeys” (353). African officials felt they were being blamed for the epidemic, which sometimes caused them to resist further scientific cooperation. Meanwhile, scientific labs were racing to find the viral microbe that caused the disease, zeroing in on a retrovirus apparently related to some known human retroviruses in the HTLV family; the culprit was eventually isolated and named HIV—human immunodeficiency virus. Unable to determine the precise circumstances of its emergence, the World Health Organization’s official position became that the virus had emerged simultaneously in North America, Europe, and Africa, though most scholars suggest that it had been a low-level endemic virus in rural central Africa that took advantage of global social instability in the early 1970s to adapt and spread.
At the end of the 1970s, just as a few scientists were becoming aware of the first noticeable AIDS cases, a different public health crisis was seizing the headlines: toxic shock syndrome (TSS), a rapidly developing, sometimes fatal condition that struck menstruating women far more frequently than any other group. Public furor centered on a new line of products commonly associated with the syndrome: super-absorbent tampons. The syndrome was believed to be caused by a bacterium, a new penicillin-resistant version of Staphylococcus aureus, which also underlay the appearance of Kawasaki’s syndrome, a worrying new illness that affected children.
Although the microbe in question was quickly identified, the mechanism by which it caused TSS was unknown. Some suggested that tampons created tiny lacerations in the vaginal wall, while others argued that the tampons served as Petri dishes for expanding colonies of the bacterium. The latter position proved correct, but the actual mechanism for how those colonies led to TSS was long debated. Patrick Schlievert of UCLA pinpointed a toxin secreted by this strain of S. aureus, and as the bacteria had access to multiple rounds of accelerating growth thanks to tampon usage, that toxin would eventually reach dangerous levels. The real problem, it turned out, was the development of a new staph strain that had emerged around 1975 and could cause these effects, and tampons served as a passive facilitator of their growth. The sudden appearance of TSS was an indicator of a troubling situation, in which a long-known microbe suddenly changed to become surprisingly lethal, likely because of human interventions on its ecology: “It was tempting to conclude that misuse of penicillin antibiotics was responsible for the event. Because the poison genes and those for antibiotic resistance appeared to be carried together on a plasmid [a gene-bearing molecule], selection pressure imposed by penicillin use could have caused the mutation event” (409).
In this section, Garrett offers two chapters of analysis on social and medical factors relating to disease transmission, followed by chapters centered on telling the stories of outbreaks. The centerpiece is Chapter 11, Garrett’s treatment of the AIDS epidemic, which alone runs for more than a hundred pages. The two previous chapters lay the contextual groundwork for the story of AIDS, explaining the disease-amplifying features of urbanization (Chapter 9), new sexual behavior patterns, and the rise of addictions to injected drugs (Chapter 10). Each of these new social patterns opened broad pathways for the earliest waves of AIDS. The two outbreaks addressed in this section (AIDS and toxic shock syndrome) build on previous sections in which Garrett introduced the complex biological and genetic machinery by which retroviruses and bacteria trick the immune system and adapt into new forms.
Two of Garrett’s major themes appear prominently in these chapters: the importance of an ecological understanding of microbial infections and the social factors involved in disease transmission. While the theme of optimism-to-realism does not feature as strongly here, it is nonetheless implicit in the background of the AIDS epidemic, in which scientists’ early assumptions that the problem would either not be a serious threat or that it would prove to be easily manageable eventually had to face the troubling reality of HIV’s sheer complexity.
The theme of ecology is illustrated in the story of toxic shock syndrome. In Garrett’s presentation of that outbreak, she highlights that it was caused by a microbe that had already been modified by human interventions, and then further human modifications to its environment gave it even more opportunities to spread. The first intervention was the use of antibiotics, by which humanity subjected a common and widely present bacterial strain to an ecological threat that forced it to adapt. Utilizing a genetic strand that offered it drug resistance, however, meant that it also evolved the ability to secrete poison—an ability encoded onto the same backup DNA segment used for resisting antibiotics. The second ecological disruption from humans came with the invention of super-absorbent tampons that acted as a growth base for the bacteria. Their super-absorbent nature allowed them to remain in place longer (thus offering even more growth). Their periodic replacement with new tampons allowed multiple waves of secreted toxins to repeatedly flood the victims’ systems. Although both of these human interventions—antibiotics and more efficient tampons—were well-intentioned and probably even seemed like advances in technology, their results on microbial ecology resulted in the evolution and spread of a new strain of drug-resistant, lethally toxic bacteria. The only way to prevent that outcome would have been to follow the path Garrett advises: to be aware of the ecological balance before making changes so that one can anticipate and ward off the worst effects of the microbial response.
The theme of social factors in disease transmission also plays a major role in this section and nowhere more prominently than in Garrett’s treatment of AIDS. Her chapters on urbanization, sexual behavior, and drug use describe social factors that prepared the way for the spread of AIDS, but even more social factors emerged in the aftermath of the epidemic’s discovery. At almost every turn in the first few years of the disease’s spread in the US, social stigma against its victims hindered every attempt at progress doctors and researchers made. When it became known that gay men and drug users were the chief victims, some authorities preferred to ignore the epidemic rather than face the political awkwardness of being seen supporting people whose lifestyles were looked down upon by many Americans. Then when clusters of cases arose with connections to Haiti and later to a vast area of central Africa, racism reared its ugly head. Social prejudice thus disincentivized political authorities from funding research and pursuing treatments for AIDS, which allowed the epidemic’s window of opportunity to grow even wider.