59 pages • 1 hour read
Imani PerryA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Religion, especially Christianity, plays an important role in the lives of Black and white Southerners. However, approaches to the faith often vary along racial and political lines. For example, right-wing, white, evangelical Christianity, however, may promote and enshrine bigotry, including white supremacy. Perry writes of contrasting views of deity, stating that white evangelicals worship the “God of masters” while Black Southerners worship the “God of slaves.”
The idea of the “God of masters” appears throughout the South and not only excuses colonialism and enslavement but also embraces the benefits of their legacies in the form of land, wealth, status, and privilege that are afforded to many white Southerners. White people who live in poverty also reap the benefits of the “God of masters,” as Perry’s encounter with an evangelical Lyft driver in Charlottesville, Virginia, demonstrates. The Lyft driver tells her that she was once rich and married. She lost her wealth and her husband, but she became a born-again, evangelical Christian. Evangelicalism provided her with hope. She tells Perry that being saved means “[…] we will rise with him like kings and queens in heaven” (50). Perry privately wonders over whom the woman believes she will rule. The Lyft driver’s deity is the “God of masters” who suppresses others:
It was the God that dictated that it was righteous to slaughter the Indigenous and enslave the heathens, and then later said that they could only come into his kingdom stripped of all who they had been and supplicants to a Jesus with unlikely blue eyes and cascading blonde hair, though born in Asia (50-51).
The “God of slaves,” in contrast, is a compassionate deity who stands in opposition to the “God of masters.” This God is the one to whom activists prayed “as they were dragged from civil rights marches” (52). This is the God of North Carolina’s Reverend William Barber, a social justice activist and co-chair of the new Poor People’s Campaign that draws on the earlier work of Martin Luther King, Jr. Barber’s “Moral Mondays” brings together people from various marginalized backgrounds in pursuit of social justice. This deity is one “who brings people together, each in their fundamental human vulnerabilities” (136). He is the God of abolitionism, the freedom movement, and the ongoing struggle for civil rights. Perry writes that the “God of slaves” “continues to fight back, persistently creative, refusing idolatry in the service of those who have been worked, those who have been used, [...] creating something worth holding on to instead” (137).
Americans often treat the South as a monolith. Perry suggests instead that there are multiple “Souths” and that the urban South has played an important role in US history. As Atlanta-based rapper André 3000 once said, “‘The South got something to say’” (148). Indeed, the South birthed the freedom movement and the Black Power movement, and the urban centers of the South that Perry visits provide lessons and hope for the future. Furthermore, the South includes the Caribbean because of the flow of people and exchange of cultural influences between the two regions.
Perry questions the definition of the South and highlights what unites the regions and what makes areas within the South unique. Florida, for example, is shaped by Spanish and US colonialist legacies, Indigenous resistance, and connections to the Caribbean, especially Cuba. Moreover, Cuban and Bahamian racial stratification mirror racial hierarchies in the US and are derived from colonial legacies. New Orleans, likewise, lives with the remnants of colonialism and enslavement. Visible throughout the city are symbols of this institution, and the former United Fruit Company building stands as a monument to US colonialism and corporate interests. Appalachia, in contrast, is far less racially and ethnically diverse than these areas of the Deep South; nevertheless, it is impacted by the color line, as the division between white and Black coal miners illustrates.
Perry interrogates the popular perception of the American South as a backward place. Her experiences as a Southerner in exile especially equip her for this task because she experiences the color line in the North, too. In a 2022 interview with NPR, Perry said:
People are astonished when I tell them this, but my fear about race as a kid was ignited in Boston. That’s the place where I experienced racial terror with bottles thrown at our car and having slurs hurled at me. I have never in any place in the South had someone call me a racial slur. I’ve had it happen numerous times in Massachusetts, more than I can count. My point is not that up North is more racist than the South or something, but that disposition to sort of imply that that’s a Southern thing actually gives a lot of freedom to not confront the racism in other parts of the [country] (“Want to understand the U.S.? This historian says the South holds the key.” NPR. 25 January 2022).
Perry reminds readers that the South gave rise to the freedom movement and Black nationalism. Today, Mississippi is “the only state with a scion of Black nationalism as the executive of its capital. Jackson is publicly, unapologetically Black […]” (245). Past and present racism in the North at Princeton University, such as students’ donning blackface for a talent show or the remnants of an auction block for enslaved people on campus, stand in stark contrast to these examples of Black empowerment in the South. Black Southerners who chose to stay in the region, rather than heading North during the Great Migration, perhaps knew that the racism they experienced in the South was not absent from the North.
White supremacy’s place in the past and present of the US is central to Perry’s work because it shapes the lives of Black Americans through violence and discrimination. Perry notes, “A good time doesn’t require abandonment of the hard time that settles inside your chest” (225). Black Southerners survived, persevered, and thrived as they developed cultural, social, and political responses to white supremacy.
One creative response to exclusion from white universities was the foundation of the Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) that educated much of the country’s Black middle-class population in the 20th century and continue to provide paragons of Black leadership. HBCU graduates include Vice President Kamala Harris, civil rights activist Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall, and political activist Stacey Abrams.
The freedom movement for civil rights also confronted white supremacy. Moreover, the legacy of this 20th-century movement lives on, especially in today’s Black Belt. Perry’s parents were active in this movement, which shaped her life and work. Moreover, involvement created a sense of community and of a second family among organizers that endures to the present day. Perry describes her reconnections with activist friends of her parents throughout the text; knowing these people informs her understanding of the complexities of the South.
Finally, Perry shows that the production of literature, music, and art thrived in the South. The Blues grew out of the Black Belt and responded to hardships like the systemic racism of the prison system. Black Memphis birthed rock and roll, where it flourished on Beale Street during segregation. Dr. Walter Evans’s collection of Black art in Savannah reminds readers of the importance of preservation of the work of Black creators whose “significance had been obscenely discounted and diminished […]” (265).
White supremacists, however, were never comfortable with Black success. The Wilmington race riots, the lynching of three Black grocers in Memphis, the appropriation of Black musical styles, and the gentrification of historically Black communities, such as Washington, DC, or Georgia’s Sea Islands, all serve as examples of this persistent racism.
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