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60 pages 2 hours read

Richard H. Thaler

Misbehaving

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2016

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Part 6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 6, Chapter 21 Summary: “The Beauty Contest”

Thaler examines the role of behavioral economics in financial markets, an area initially deemed resistant to behavioral biases. He emphasizes the high stakes and rigorous professional trading in these markets, where any irrational behavior by non-experts or even experts should theoretically be swiftly corrected, leaving no trace on market prices. The prevailing view among economists was that financial markets were the least likely place for behavioral anomalies to be found, which meant demonstrating their presence there would be a significant achievement.

This chapter examines the Efficient Market Hypothesis (EMH), coined by Eugene Fama, which is central to financial economics. The EMH asserts that financial markets efficiently incorporate all available information into asset prices, making it impossible to consistently outperform the market. Thaler challenges this by focusing on market anomalies and investor behavior that contradict the EMH.

One significant concept from this chapter is the “Beauty Contest” analogy by John Maynard Keynes, which compares stock market investment to a contest where participants pick not the faces they find prettiest but those they believe will be chosen by others. This analogy illustrates the recursive thinking involved in financial markets, where investors try to anticipate the average opinion of all investors.

Thaler’s exploration includes an experiment he conducted with the Financial Times, where readers participated in a number guessing game akin to Keynes’s beauty contest. The exercise underscored the complexity of market behavior and the influence of collective expectations on investment decisions.

Part 6, Chapter 22 Summary: “Does the Stock Market Overreact?”

Thaler collaborated, he explains, with graduate student Werner De Bondt to explore the influence of psychology in financial markets, focusing on the concept of overreaction. Despite skepticism from colleagues, they pursued the idea that psychological factors, particularly investors’ tendency for extreme forecasts based on limited information, could predict unobserved effects in stock markets. This approach was contrary to the prevailing EMH, which asserts market prices accurately reflect all available information, making consistent outperformance impossible.

Using historical stock data, Thaler and De Bondt ranked companies on the New York Stock Exchange based on their performance over several years, labeling the best and worst performers as “Winners” and “Losers,” respectively. They hypothesized that if investors overreacted, driving stock prices too high or too low based on recent performance, this would result in a regression to the mean over time. Thus, “Loser” stocks, those undervalued due to negative sentiment, were expected to outperform “Winner” stocks in subsequent years.

Their findings strongly supported this hypothesis. Stocks classified as “Losers” significantly outperformed the “Winners,” contradicting the EMH by demonstrating that past performance could indeed predict future results. This study provided compelling evidence of generalized overreaction in financial markets and highlighted the impact of psychological factors on investment decisions, challenging traditional economic theories on market efficiency.

Part 6, Chapter 23 Summary: “The Reaction to Overreaction”

Thaler discusses the implications of his and Werner De Bondt’s finding that “Loser” stocks (those with poor past performance) tend to outperform “Winner” stocks (those with good past performance). This finding challenges the EMH, which posits that market prices reflect all available information, making it impossible to consistently outperform the market. To reconcile these findings with the EMH, critics suggested the “Loser” stocks must be riskier, thus justifying their higher returns.

The Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) was the standard measure of a stock’s risk, focusing on its correlation with the market, known as beta. However, Thaler and De Bondt’s research showed “Winner” stocks had higher betas than “Loser” stocks, contradicting the notion that higher returns of “Loser” stocks were due to greater risk.

Eugene Fama and Kenneth French, staunch supporters of the EMH, recognized the anomaly in returns related to company size and value. They developed the Fama-French Three Factor Model, adding size and value as factors influencing stock returns, but did not have a theoretical basis for why these should be risk factors. Later, they expanded this to a five-factor model, adding profitability and investment aggressiveness as factors.

Despite the evolution of these models, there is no conclusive evidence value stocks are riskier. The debate continues between those who see the higher returns of value stocks as evidence of market inefficiency and those who attribute it to unidentified risk factors. Thaler suggests that in a rational world, beta would be the only factor that matters, but the persistence of other factors like size, value, and momentum indicates markets do not always behave rationally, challenging the foundations of the EMH.

Part 6, Chapter 24 Summary: “The Price is Not Right”

Thaler discusses the debate surrounding the EMH, particularly its claim that stock prices are always “right,” meaning they accurately reflect intrinsic value. Robert Shiller’s work challenged this claim, asserting stock prices are too volatile to be justified by changes in dividends, which should be the basis of a stock’s value. Shiller’s analysis showed that, unlike dividends, stock prices fluctuate wildly, suggesting they are not always rational predictions of future dividends.

Shiller’s findings sparked controversy and debate in financial circles, with various attempts to refute his conclusions. However, the dramatic and inexplicable stock market crash on October 19, 1987, known as Black Monday, when stocks fell globally without any significant news, seemed to support Shiller’s view that market prices can be excessively volatile and thus not always “right.”

Shiller also extended his analysis to the housing market, creating the Case-Shiller Home Price Index. Like with the stock market, he found home prices could also diverge significantly from long-term trends, indicating potential overvaluation or bubbles. However, Thaler notes that while these analyses can indicate when markets are overheated, predicting the exact timing of market corrections remains challenging. He emphasizes the difficulty of profiting from market timing, suggesting that while it’s possible to recognize a bubble, knowing when it will burst is much harder.

Part 6, Chapter 25 Summary: “The Battle of Closed-End Funds”

Thaler discusses the peculiarities of closed-end funds in relation to the EMH, particularly challenging the notion that market prices always accurately reflect intrinsic value. Closed-end funds, unlike open-end funds, have a fixed number of shares and trade on the market, often at prices that differ from their Net Asset Value (NAV), which is a clear violation of the law of one price—a core tenet of EMH.

Thaler, along with Charles Lee and Andrei Shleifer, researched these funds and noted several puzzles: why new closed-end funds often sell at a premium but quickly trade at a discount, why discounts and premiums vary, and why discounts converge to NAV when a fund’s structure changes to open-end. They proposed these anomalies could be explained by “investor sentiment,” particularly among individual investors who dominate the closed-end fund market. Their analysis found a correlation between the average discount on closed-end funds and the performance difference between small and large company stocks, suggesting shifts in investor sentiment affected both.

This research attracted significant attention and criticism, particularly from Nobel Prize-winning economist Merton Miller. Miller, along with colleagues, wrote a critical comment on their paper, leading to a public debate. Thaler argues that despite the contention, the debate brought greater visibility to their findings and contributed to a broader discussion about anomalies in financial markets and the limits of the EMH.

Part 6, Chapter 26 Summary: “Fruit Flies, Icebergs, and Negative Stock Prices”

Thaler examines the contradictions of the EMH, particularly focusing on the law of one price. Thaler, with colleague Owen Lamont, examines the curious case of 3Com and its subsidiary Palm, highlighting a glaring market irrationality. When 3Com announced the separation of Palm, a small percentage of Palm’s shares were sold publicly, leading to an inflated valuation of Palm’s stock. Astonishingly, the market valuation of 3Com, which still held a majority of Palm’s shares, did not reflect this inflated value. The price discrepancy suggested a negative value for 3Com’s remaining business, an impossible scenario under rational market theories.

This incident, among others like the Royal Dutch Shell stock anomaly, illustrates the market’s failure to adhere to the law of one price, contradicting a fundamental principle of EMH. Thaler likens these market irregularities to “fruit flies” in genetics—minor but crucial subjects for study, revealing deeper systemic issues. He argues these examples are just the tip of the iceberg, indicative of larger market mispricing.

Thaler contends that while EMH provides a useful normative benchmark, it falls short as a descriptive model of financial markets. He acknowledges the partial truth in the no-free-lunch component of EMH but is critical of the price-is-right component, noting significant deviations in stock market values from intrinsic values. Thaler concludes that market prices can often be significantly wrong, leading to substantial resource misallocation, as evidenced by the housing market bubble. He suggests policymakers should recognize the possibility of market bubbles and take preventive measures, rather than adhering rigidly to the belief that markets are always efficient.

Part 6 Analysis

In his latter chapters, Thaler navigates the intricacies of financial markets through the prism of Behavioral Economics, concentrating on The Human Factor in Economic Decision-Making, Challenging the Rationality Assumption, and Behavioral Economics in Policy and Practice. These sections play an essential role in questioning established economic notions, particularly the EMH.

Thaler’s examination of financial markets introduces a distinct viewpoint, divergent from classical economic theories. While economists such as Eugene Fama ardently advocate for the EMH, Thaler’s research underscores its limitations. His focus on anomalies like irrational stock pricing and the overestimation of corporate values contrasts sharply with Fama’s perspective on market efficacy. By spotlighting these disparities, Thaler not only accentuates the unique attributes of his studies but also enriches a comprehension of financial market operations, interweaving economic theory with psychological insights. He nuances existing economic models, creating the perspective of behavioral economics.

The Human Factor in Economic Decision-Making is apparent in Thaler’s scrutiny of financial markets—a realm typically viewed as impervious to behavioral biases. Chapter 21’s remark, “It is difficult to express how dubious people were about studying the behavioral economics of financial markets” (248), mirrors the initial skepticism about the influence of human psychology in these markets. This doubt signifies a paradigm shift in economic thought—from an unwavering belief in market logic to an acceptance of the market’s vulnerability to human irrationalities. Moreover, Thaler employs the “Beauty Contest” metaphor to elucidate investor behavior complexities, challenging the idea of absolute market rationality and emphasizing psychological elements in investment decisions.

Thaler tackles market behavior inconsistencies, reinforcing the theme of Challenging the Rationality Assumption. The statement in Chapter 24, “An important property of rational forecasts [...] is that the predictions cannot vary more than the thing being forecast” (278), targets the irrationality of stock market movements. This tenet disputes the fluctuating nature of stock prices, countering the EMH’s essence by showing that market prices often signify more than just the underlying values. Thaler and Werner De Bondt’s investigation in Chapter 22 reveals that “Loser” stocks, undervalued due to adverse sentiment, often surpass “Winner” stocks in performance, defying the EMH and underscoring market anomalies and investor overreaction. Irrationality is a factor for which traditional models did not account.

Thaler further underscores the theme of Behavioral Economics in Policy and Practice in Chapter 26, where he examines the illogical market valuation of 3Com. Thaler notes, “The stock market was saying that the remaining 3Com business, a profitable business, was worth minus $23 billion” (298). This scenario exemplifies the paradoxical and often nonsensical nature of market valuations, challenging the concept of market efficiency and highlighting the substantial gap between market prices and intrinsic company values. In Chapter 23, Thaler refutes critics’ claims that the superior returns of “Loser” stocks are due to increased risk, showing that “Winner” stocks possessed higher betas than “Loser” stocks, further questioning the EMH’s foundations. Thaler’s insights into market overreactions and the behavioral aspects of financial decision-making contest long-standing beliefs about market efficiency. These findings carry significant implications for regulators, investors, and economic policymakers, potentially fostering more effective financial regulations and more informed investment approaches.

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