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51 pages 1 hour read

Harriet A. Washington

Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2007

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Part 3: “Race, Technology, and Medicine”-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3, Chapter 12 Summary: “Genetic Perdition: The Rise of Molecular Bias”

Chapter 12 focuses on the complicated ways in which new discoveries in the field of genetics intertwine with race. Washington begins the chapter by noting how advances in genetic testing have proven to be an important boon for falsely imprisoned African Americans. For individuals falsely accused of rape such as Calvin Johnson, DNA testing (often referred to as “DNA fingerprinting”) has allowed for new evidence that proves their innocence. However, Washington notes that DNA testing has yet to exonerate all of the individuals imprisoned unjustly, as the testing is often more expensive than what Black inmates can afford. In some instances, labs have also purposefully falsified tests to support convictions.

Washington is particularly wary of DNA evidence due to the growth of numerous governmental DNA databases. These databases, such as the FBI’s Combined DNA Index System, keep permanent records of thousands of individuals’ genetic data—many of whom have never been accused of a crime. Further, many of these genetic databases are predominantly (and in some cases exclusively) composed of the DNA of Black or Latino individuals—a fact that Washington argues may predispose the justice system to seek convictions of people of color when searching for the perpetrator of a crime. Further, Washington notes that despite the similarity in naming, databases of DNA “fingerprints” differ tremendously from typical fingerprint databases, as DNA contains a far greater wealth of information on one’s health profile and risks. Databases of such information may, Washington warns, pave the way for governmental discrimination in the future.

Washington stresses that her fears are not simply paranoia, and she turns to historical instances of genetic-based discrimination to justify them. She particularly addresses sickle-cell anemia, a disease in which blood cells develop a sickle shape in response to “low-oxygen environments” (308), in turn hampering the blood cell’s ability to dispense oxygen throughout the body. Since its discovery, a myth has persisted that sickle-cell anemia only affects people with African ancestry, even though the disease can be found in individuals from a variety of geographic regions.

Since sickle-cell anemia is a “recessive” (308) genetic disease, an individual can be a carrier of the sickle-cell gene without being at risk of developing the disease. When sickle-cell screening tests began to be used by the government and private corporations in the 1960s, the tests failed to distinguish between healthy carriers and individuals actually at risk of developing the disease. As sickle cell was mistakenly thought to be a Black disease, such testing led to discriminatory practices against African Americans. For instance, the US Air Force Academy bans all Black sickle-cell carriers from any jobs involving air travel, even though many of those carriers can safely perform the jobs without risk of developing sickle-cell anemia.

Part 3, Chapter 13 Summary: “Infection and Inequity: Illness as Crime”

“Infection and Inequity” describes medical institutions’ present-day treatment of African Americans who have dangerous infectious diseases, such as tuberculosis and AIDS, which have historically occurred in greater proportion in Black people. Doctors frequently ignore privacy and other important patients’ rights in treating afflicted Black people. Washington argues that such a lack of respect for the rights of Black people stems from a cluster of racist beliefs, from imagining Black people as “vectors of disease” to assumptions that Black people infected with diseases such as AIDS are drug users and thus untrustworthy (326). In Washington’s view, such approaches toward infected African Americans focus on simply treating the disease after infection rather than tackling the socioeconomic inequalities that lead to the growth of disease in Black communities.

In the 1980s, tuberculosis re-emerged as a deadly killer in African American communities in the US, even though antibiotics had seemingly wiped out the disease decades before. Washington argues that a return of tuberculosis was due to an abandonment of preventative practices, such as a lack of regular testing for the disease and “wide-scale vaccination” (329). As a result, a deadlier, more drug-resistant form of tuberculosis emerged that disproportionately affected African Americans. Governmental responses to the outbreak were to involuntarily detain infected Black individuals and force them to undergo treatment—practices that often specifically impacted homeless African Americans and Black people with mental health conditions.

Washington also describes medical responses toward AIDS, which Washington argues have grown increasingly punitive as the disease has emerged in the public consciousness as a “black disease” (332). At the genesis of the AIDS crisis in the early 1980s, the disease was thought to only impact gay people. Although gay men were stigmatized by mainstream culture, Washington notes that the rights and privacy of infected gay patients were respected by doctors, and no gay men were forcibly quarantined or made to “divulge their HIV status” (331). In the 1990s, the demographics of AIDS patients began to shift, and Black patients with AIDS far outnumbered white patients. Some cities, such as New York, passed laws that required doctors to divulge an infected person’s HIV-positive status to all of that person’s sexual contacts, often failing to protect the patient’s privacy in the process. Such laws reinforced notions that only criminals contracted HIV, a “blame-the-victim approach” (339) that Washington argues further stigmatized the disease.

Medical centers such as New York’s Incarnation Children’s Center (ICC), associated with Columbia University, tested experimental AIDS drugs on young children infected with HIV. These children were orphans and were almost entirely “black or Hispanic” (334). Children were not asked whether they would like to participate in the trials, and the medication often caused serious side effects, such as “anemia, muscle wasting, [and] organ failure” (334). Although some of the children’s foster parents objected to the trials, the ICC overrode their objections and forced the children to continue to take the medication.

Part 3, Chapter 14 Summary: “The Machine Age: African American Martyrs to Surgical Technology”

Washington’s focus in “The Machine Age” is on the ways in which Black bodies have been used by surgeons to test risky new medical technologies. Often, surgeons failed to fully explain the risks of such experimental devices to their Black subjects, and in some cases, they would implement medical technologies into unconscious patients without their prior consent. While Black people have played a crucial role in testing medical advances, such surgeries and technologies are often unaffordable for most Black people once they leave the testing phase and enter the general market.

Washington illustrates this form of abuse of African Americans largely through two examples: artificial hearts and artificial blood. In the early 2000s, the AbioCor Corporation began testing an artificial heart on “patients with end-stage heart failure whose chance of dying within thirty days [was] at least 70 percent” (350). The first two patients to test the heart, Robert Tools and James Quinn, were both Black. The heart was advertised to them as their only chance at prolonging their life, and the procedure was technically a success as both patients lived for several months longer than initially expected. However, they were unable to leave their hospital beds and had a series of strokes that ultimately killed them both. Irene Quinn, the wife of James Quinn, felt that both she and her husband were “deceived” into accepting the artificial heart, and she contended that the doctors did not fully explain the adverse effects that might occur.

PolyHeme is a form of artificial blood, a new medical device with potentially numerous benefits, such as eliminating the restrictions of blood types. However, PolyHeme was tested randomly in emergency rooms by being inserted into “severely injured, mostly unconscious ER patients” (352). As Black people make use of emergency rooms more frequently than white people, Washington argues that PolyHeme was much more likely to be tested on Black bodies. Such testing seems to flagrantly ignore standards of informed consent, as patients receiving the artificial blood were not consulted prior to the transfusion, and the blood runs the risk of harming or even killing patients.

Part 3, Chapter 15 Summary: “Aberrant Wars: American Bioterrorism Targets Blacks”

“Aberrant Wars” finds Washington investigating the role that experimentation on Black bodies has played in developing weapons capable of what she calls “bioterrorism.” Washington succinctly defines terrorism as:

a threat or the use of violence (including kidnapping, extortion, assault, and murder) by an individual or organization that targets innocent civilians. In contrast to mere criminality, terrorism is employed to further ideological, political, or religious goals (365).

The 20th century has seen the development of “bioterrorism”—a form of terrorism that specifically aims to use biological warfare weapons to poison communities or spread diseases. Although the development of biological warfare has been outlawed by the 1963 Geneva Convention, Washington describes how both extremist fringe groups and mainstream governments have continued to develop and make use of biological warfare, typically with the aim of committing racial genocide.

In the 1950s, the CIA’s MK-NAOMI program explicitly sought to develop weapons of biological warfare that could be used against the Soviets. In particular, the CIA was interested in using mosquitos as a form of organic weaponry by infecting mosquitos with diseases and unleashing them to spread the disease to humans. To test this idea, the CIA bred diseased mosquitos and unleashed them on the Black community of Carver Village in Florida, causing an outbreak of whooping cough that affected thousands. Although the CIA later sought to erase any trace of MK-NAOMI, a group of Scientologists known as the American Citizens for Honesty in Government publicized proof of the experiment, leading to a public outcry.

Much of “Aberrant Wars” focuses on the development of biological warfare in apartheid South Africa, where a group of white scientists, led by Dr. Wouter Bassoon, used biological weapons to poison Black anti-apartheid activists. Washington deems Bassoon’s activities to be a “science of genocide” and argues that such acts of murder could never have occurred without close collaboration from US scientists. One American governmental researcher, Larry Ford, played a particularly significant role in assisting Bassoon’s research and made frequent trips to consult with Bassoon and other South African scientists. Project Coast, a subset of Bassoon’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Programme, specifically aimed to create poison agents that only afflicted individuals with Black skin. Washington cautions that the existence of such weapons is not a mere conspiracy theory, and research indicates that “weapons could be tailored to the genetic vulnerabilities of specific ethnic groups” (375).

Epilogue Summary: “Medical Research with Blacks Today”

In the Epilogue, Washington addresses the state of medical research in the present day. Although the potential for abuse still lingers, Washington writes that standards of ethics for medical research have generally increased, and most contemporary research is safe and ethically sound. While Washington warns African Americans to remain cautious about entering any medical experiment, she also encourages Black participation in research, as she feels that therapeutic research on Black populations is a necessity for closing the gap between the health profiles of Black and white Americans.

However, Washington describes a number of problems that continue to plague contemporary medical research. Many of the abusive and unethical practices that characterize the historical experiments in Medical Apartheid have been transplanted to research conducted in Africa, where standards of ethical conduct are lower than those in the US. Western researchers in Africa frequently ignore the need to obtain informed consent, and the FDA allows American scientists to follow a more relaxed standard of ethics when conducting research abroad.

In the US, Washington argues that recent years have seen an “erosion” of informed consent practices. Doctors are no longer required to ask for informed consent when caring for certain emergency room patients, resulting in patients receiving experimental treatments without their knowledge. Likewise, the US military no longer requires informed consent in testing experimental drugs on its soldiers. In one case, the military administered an experimental anthrax vaccine to upwards of 1 million troops. Some soldiers who refused the vaccine were discharged from service.

Washington concludes the Epilogue with several suggestions for changes that could make medical experiments safer, especially for African Americans. Washington suggests that Institutional Review Boards should include “laypeople” as a check on the scientists evaluating the ethics of experiments. Informed consent, Washington argues, should be required for all medical experiments, as any exceptions might result in harmful, nontherapeutic treatments. Washington further advises that attending a course on medical ethics should be required of potential research subjects so that they can better evaluate whether an experiment matches ethical standards. Finally, Washington suggests that the same standard of medical ethics must be matched by US scientists whether conducting experiments in domestic or international contexts.

Part 3-Epilogue Analysis

In the final part of Medical Apartheid, Washington explores the racial implications of contemporary scientific advancements and how Racist Dehumanization in Medical Science manifests today. A recurring theme through these chapters is how new research into genetics complicates societal understandings of race, another example of how Science is not Morally Neutral. In Chapter 12, Washington distinguishes between two means of conceiving of race: biological and social. The idea of biological race contends that human beings can be separated into several “distinct” racial groups, with each group possessing a set of differing characteristics. Washington argues that the research of the Human Genome Project, which has mapped out the structure of DNA, has shown that biological race is a meaningless concept. In actuality, genetic differences across populations “map very poorly onto what we think of as races” (317)—with only 0.1% of genetic differences corresponding to racial differences. As such, Washington argues that race is instead a social construct—a narrative created by society to group individuals that has little basis in actual science.

Biological race remains the means through which society understands race, and Washington describes how medical companies can exploit such misunderstandings of biology. In Chapter 12, she describes BiDil, a drug meant to treat congestive heart failure specifically in African Americans. NitroMed, the corporation that produces BiDil, claims that African Americans have “a genetic anomaly that makes [them] particularly susceptible to CHF” (319). However, in its first phase of testing, BiDil was advertised as treating all individuals regardless of race. Only after the drug was rejected by the FDA did NitroMed claim the drug could specifically help African Americans—a change that made the drug eligible for retesting. In arguing its case, NitroMed made use of what Washington calls “bad data” to portray CHF as a disease that disproportionately affected African Americans. Rather than helpfully targeting a specifically Black disease, Washington sees BiDil as “a genetic fix for a nongenetic disease” (324), overlooking the social factors that may actually be the cause of higher rates of heart failure in Black people such as poverty.

Washington is also clear that in a “few dramatic exceptions” (317), there are meaningful genetic differences that correspond to race. In such cases, it may actually be useful for corporations to produce drugs that are attuned to the differing ways diseases can affect different racial groups. In Chapter 13, Washington describes the development of AIDSVAX, a possible AIDS vaccine. In trials, AIDSVAX appears to be effective for African Americans and Asians. However, it has no effect on white research subjects, leading to the vaccine being deemed a “failure” (343). Washington concedes that the vaccine might not ultimately have proven effective for African Americans and Asians, but “more exhaustive studies” were required before the vaccine should be completely abandoned (344). As AIDS predominantly affects Black people, Washington argues that it is irresponsible to not fully explore a potential vaccination, even if that vaccination is solely effective for a specific racial group. This highlights The Legacy of Medical Racism as the drug’s effectiveness for Black patients is overlooked, which could potentially lead to needless suffering among future Black people living with HIV/AIDS.

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