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59 pages 1 hour read

Adam Hochschild

King Leopold's Ghost

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1998

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Chapters 12–14Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: A King At Bay

Chapter 12 Summary: David and Goliath

Hochschild asserts that Edmund Morel, the “David” to Leopold’s “Goliath,” succeeded where others failed because of his “access to the facts and figures from the Congo administration in Europe” (185) and his “rare skill at publicizing his message” (185). At first, he attempted to convince his employers to act on his discovery; in response, they attempted to buy him out and made him feel unwelcome at work. In 1901, at age twenty-eight, however, he quit his job and, after a couple of years as a newspaper journalist, started the West African Mail, “a forum where no one could censor him” (186).

Not only did Morel edit the West African Mail, he also wrote “three full books and portions of two others, hundreds of articles for almost all the major British newspapers, plus many written in French for papers in France and Belgium, hundreds of letters to the editor, and several dozen pamphlets” (187). Hochschild describes his writing as “controlled fury” (187) combined with “meticulous accuracy” (187), with “[e]very detail in his books [coming] from careful research, the evidence amassed as painstakingly as in a lawyer’s brief” (188). Morel’s work is also notable for its condemnation of the entire state of Leopold’s Congo, which was “deliberately and systematically founded on slave labor” (188_, and therefore “a case apart” (188). It destroyed the possibility of free trade, something Morel “had a passionate faith in” (188).

Morel became known as “the best-informed, most outspoken critic of the Congo state” (189) and excelled at getting “inside information” (189) from dissident Congo statesmen, Force Publique officers, and company employees. Missionaries also found him to be the best outlet for publicizing their observations and experiences, and provided photographs, and lists of the dead—which Morel published “like casualty lists in wartime” (191)—to support their accounts. In May of 1903, Morel’s hard work paid off, when Britain’s House of Commons “unanimously passed a resolution urging that Congo ‘natives should be governed with humanity’” (194).

Chapter 13 Summary: Breaking Into the Thieves’ Kitchen

The 1903 House of Commons resolution prompted Britain’s Foreign Office to send the British consul in Congo, Roger Casement, “to the interior” (195). As Hochschild describes in this chapter, Casement had many incidental ties to this story before this: his first visit to the Congo in 1883, when he was nineteen years old, was as a worker on an Elder Dempster ship; he also “ran the supply base for the ill-fated Sanford Exploring Expedition and worked for the surveyors charting the course for the railway around the rapids” (195-6). He spent a week with Stanley on the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, and he met and became good friends with Joseph Conrad when Conrad was in the Congo in 1890. Casement also met Leopold when he became the first British consul in the Congo, but “appears not to have been charmed by Leopold” (198) as he “had already seen too much of the Congo” (198).

Casement, Hochschild surmises, was bored and frustrated in his role as consul, and could not realize his ambitions as a writer. He was also a closeted homosexual who “lived in a time when to be found out meant disgrace or worse” (199). His trip to the interior, however, was taken on with energetic commitment, and he “sent a ceaseless flow of dispatches to the Foreign Office” (201) along with a “torrent of letters to Congo state officials condemning specific atrocities and, most undiplomatically, the entire way the colony was run” (201). As Hochschild puts it, “[h]e was a man possessed. His anger at what he saw had a dramatic effect on many of the other Europeans he encountered; it was as if his visible outrage gave them permission to act on stifled feelings of their own” (201).

Casement’s report on “the rubber terror” was important because it “was to be laid out with the authority of His Britannic Majesty’s Consul” (203) and “all the more authoritative because Casement was a veteran of Africa who made frequent comparisons between the Congo he had once known and the same territory under the rubber terror” (203). His report, however, was watered down in its publication by the removal of names, which “lent [it] a strangely disembodied tone, as if horrible things had been done but not to or by real people” (204) which “made it impossible for Casement to defend himself by reference to specific people and places when Leopold’s staff issued a long reply” (204). Though Casement was angry and disappointed by this setback, his eventual meeting with Edmund Morel was a palliative, and the two men became lifelong friends—in their letters they referred to one another as “Dear Tiger” and “Dear Bulldog” (207). Casement convinced Morel to start the Congo Reform Association, and even provided the founding donation in the form of a hundred-pound check. The chapter ends with Hochschild’s acknowledgement that both men “ended up paying a high price” (208) for their convictions.

Chapter 14 Summary: To Flood His Deeds With Day

Chapter 14 comprises three main sections. The first is an analysis of Morel, whose “crusade […] now orchestrated through the Congo Reform Association exerted a relentless, growing pressure on the Belgian, British, and American governments” (209). As Hochschild puts it, “[a]lmost never has one man possessed of no wealth, title, or official post caused so much trouble for the governments of several major countries” (209), as Morel did for over a decade. Morel was also “one of the few people in this entire story who was happily married” (209), something Hochschild considers integral to his success; he had a “devoted wife to run his household” (209) while he spent twelve to fourteen hours a day working on the campaign against Leopold’s Congo genocide. 

Hochschild also includes an analysis of the “limitations” of Morel’s politics—“from his faith in the magic of free trade to his belief that African men had a higher sexual drive than white men” (210). He also believed that Africans were a version of “Rousseau’s idealized Noble Savage” (210) before the white man arrived, focusing on “what was peaceful and gentle and ignor[ing] any brutal aspects” (210) in his writing about Africans. He also points out that while Morel thought Leopold’s version of colonialism was bad, colonialism in and of itself was all right, “if its administration was fair and just” (210), as in the British Empire.

Despite these political limitations, Morel had few limitations as an organizer and activist, and he ran his campaign “largely from his study” (214). He was a “master of all the media of his day” (215) and “made particularly effective use of photography” (215), displaying slide shows of photographs of atrocities committed in the Congo taken by the missionaries John and Alice Seeley Harris at all the protest meetings.

The second section of this chapter focuses on the sad story of Hezekiah Andrew Shanu, a Nigerian schoolteacher who began working for Leopold’s regime in 1884 and went into business for himself in the Congo in 1893. He was successful as a businessman and was initially a supporter of Leopold’s Congo but, at some point, he had “a change of heart” (219). He “supplied Roger Casement with information about the mistreatment of West African workers in the Congo” (219) and sent Morel a check for his writings. In 1904, he sent Morel court documents about the prosecution of “a trigger-happy rubber-company agent named Charles Caudron, [who] was accused of several crimes, including the murder of at least 122 Africans” (220). Following his first betrayal of the Congo regime, Shanu was exposed by a Congo state official as Morel’s accomplice. He was harassed and ruined by Congo authorities and committed suicide in July, 1905.

The final section of this chapter focuses on sixty-five-year-old Leopold’s courting of the sixteen-year-old woman who would become his mistress of many years, Caroline. As Hochschild puts it, “[t]o the extent that someone like Leopold was capable of love, this teenage prostitute proved to be the love of his life” (223), a love that threatened his popularity with the Belgian people. This, along with his tendency to spend the profits of his exploitation of the Congo on his mistress’s wardrobe and his own grandiose construction projects, made him the target of much criticism.

Chapter 12 – 14 Analysis

These three chapters describe the beginning of the end for Leopold’s Congo, describing in detail the two men—Morel and, to a lesser extent, Casement—who would be Leopold’s downfall. Also considered in these chapters are the similarities between Morel and Leopold in terms of their ability to “publiciz [e their] message” and their single-minded commitment to one goal. Whereas Leopold is a master at hiding the truth about the Congo, Morel is a master at exposing it. Chapter 12’s title, “David and Goliath,” is wonderfully apt, as Morel is definitely the underdog on the side of the good, fighting what, on the surface, seems an impossible battle to win.

This section also highlights Casement’s similarity to Morel in his unwavering commitment to exposing the realities of Leopold’s Congo. Also like Morel, Casement seems an unexpected hero. He is someone with extensive experience in the Congo, whose past work for Elder Dempster, Sanford, and Stanley does not necessarily indicate that he would become such an effective crusader in this fight.

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