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49 pages 1 hour read

Philippe Bourgois

In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1995

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Chapters 1-2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary: “Violating Apartheid in the United States”

The author’s research in Harlem almost ends when he inadvertently disrespects a drug dealer named Ray. Ray is instrumental in Bourgois’s acceptance into the underground world of drug dealing, so this social faux pas jeopardizes both the author’s access to this world and his safety in it. This mistake, Bourgois admits, is part of “learning street smarts” (19), knowledge which is initially at odds with his academic knowledge. Surrounded by Ray’s friends and hangers-on, Ray is in a rare good mood. He’s told Bourgois about his past as a thief, and has even bought the writer a Heineken, which is a step up from the basic beer everyone else is drinking. Due to this intimacy, and also because there are still some who don’t trust Bourgois who they think is an undercover cop, Bourgois decides to show everyone an article of him having an interview with Phil Donahue about violence in East Harlem. Ray is asked to read the caption, and it isn’t long before Bourgois guesses correctly that Ray can’t read. Embarrassed and angry, Ray storms off.

Primo, another of the main characters, is close friends with Ray. He’s also Ray’s associate. He warns Bourgois that he has dissed Ray. Dissing someone is a huge issue because it chips away at Ray’s street credibility. Primo admits that he himself is afraid of Ray. He then recalls stories of how crazy Ray was as a kid and a teenager, stories which sufficiently scare Bourgois into fearing Ray as well. Bourgois, who is called "Felipe" based on his first name, admits that Ray’s cruelty is actually part of his success as a businessman, as Ray owns crackhouses. Ray’s behavior has the hallmarks of self-destruction, violence, and barbarity, all of which is mixed with an irrationality that makes others always stay on their toes. These traits, which are viewed as negligent and criminal to outsiders, allow Ray to accrue respect on the streets. Primo and Caesar, who are best friends, then tell Bourgois that being nice can get one killed. People take advantage of nice people, which is why acting tough and sometimes being violent are integral to their way of life on the streets. Even though Ray is cruel, Bourgois admits that some of Ray’s older acquaintances actually like him for who he is and not for what he can give them.

Bourgois spends an uncomfortable amount of time in fear of Ray’s vengeance, trying his best to stay out of the drug dealer’s way. Ray tells Primo one day that he had a dream in which Felipe was an FBI agent. People begin to think that Ray means to do Bourgois harm, especially because dreams are symbolic in Puerto Rican culture.

In the next section, “The Barriers of Cultural Capital,” Bourgois is again on speaking terms with Ray. He then highlights the problem of getting too close with the people he’s studying. An example of this is Ray’s expectations of him. Ray wants Bourgois to be his conduit to the legal business world. In fact, he wants the writer to help him launder money. He also wants Bourgois to give him legal advice and help him with all the bureaucratic red tape, something that Bourgois brought upon himself after helping Ray with paperwork for a club he opened. Ray tries to go legit several times, but every time he’s met with adversity and government legalities. He even opens a bar briefly before it is shut down for a fire code violation. Bourgois tries to untangle himself from Ray’s schemes without angering him, a distance that not only keeps Bourgois on the right side of the law but is integral to being objective in his research.

Bourgois then spends a few sections fleshing out race, gender, and street relations in East Harlem. He mentions how he used to get stopped by cops because of his white skin. They assumed he was a white kid trying to get high in a bad neighborhood. Other cops, however, give him a hard time. They think that his normal way of speaking is an attempt at making fun of them. Bourgois has to clip his sentences and speak differently to not come off as academic, which will anger these cops. He is sometimes interrogated, which actually helps to give him street cred. Although Bourgois doesn’t have to worry about a lot of violence—being white, people think he is an "undercover narcotics agent" (30) and are afraid to attack him—he admits that his friends and acquaintances in El Barrio are no strangers to violence. Bourgois introduces Michael Taussig’s term “culture of terror” (34) to explain the fear of assault in El Barrio. Even the elderly are victims of robbery and assault, despite most know each other on a first name basis. This type of terror in Spanish Harlem (East Harlem; El Barrio) forces the majority who aren’t violent to remain quiet, fearful, and scornful. One of Bourgois’s greatest challenges is to remain calm and unaffected so that he can exist on the streets with his “subjects” without fear. Police raids are another and more prevalent fear, especially as a majority of violence can be found in the prison system. A conversation about being raped in jail causes Bourgois to return home and get his I.D. in case he’s stopped.

In “Accessing the Game Room Crack House,” Bourgois talks about finally being admitted into Ray’s establishment and describes the workings of the crackhouse. Bourgois would hang out with Primo and another worker, Benzie, and tape their conversations. They offered him crack once and, to his surprise, were elated when he refused. They think of him as a representation of what they can become, someone from the drug-free world that they aspire to reach. In time, Bourgois is allowed to visit "the Game Room," Ray’s crackhouse. He converses with whomever is working and becomes a celebrity to those buying and selling. As a white academic, people are intimidated by him. This helps curb violence in the Game Room. People also want to be in Bourgois’s presence, which brings customers.

Although Bourgois has been admitted into the Game Room and street culture, he still has to also deal with various impressions about him. During a conversation with Benzie and Primo, he learns how Primo still thinks he’s an undercover officer. Primo says he doesn’t mind if Bourgois arrests him because he enjoys talking with Bourgois. To this end, Primo begins showing signs of internalized racism against his fellow Puerto Ricans. Because he converses with Bourgois, he thinks he’s better than others, an attitude that Bourgois tries to help curb. Primo also mentions how Benzie thought Bourgois was "bisexual" and a "pervert" (44). He assumed these things because of how he spoke and carried himself, and because a white man in the streets was probably up to no good. Bourgois is at first shocked to be thought of as bisexual and a pervert and makes a note that racism and sexism are indeed parts of street cred that he has to navigate.

The last section of Chapter 1 deals with the relationship between African Americans and Puerto Ricans. Bourgois points out the irony in the animosity between blacks and Puerto Ricans. By American standards, Ray and half of his associates would be labeled black due to their skin, yet there is an undeniable hatred between the two groups. Caesar is blatantly violent and racist toward blacks, using stereotypical tropes like their "smell" (45) and look to bolster his hatred: "You know why I hate black people? Because they're black; they stink; they smell like shit" (45). Caesar also admits that he hates Puerto Ricans who have afros, and he hates whites too, but not "Felipe." He goes on to say that he will kill everyone: blacks, Puerto Ricans, and whites alike. He also says that one of the main reasons he hates blacks is because a black person killed his sister in a stabbing. Oddly enough, Caesar concedes that he wanted to be black when he was younger. Bourgois even notes that he’s still immersed in black culture, which is predominately what street culture is.

Although most in Ray’s group grow to trust Bourgois, those on the periphery, like blacks and younger Puerto Ricans, continue to be antagonistic to him. These are also the groups who deal the most with prejudice and racism from whites, so Bourgois is effectively a stand-in for all that they hate. Bourgois states that he has always wanted to give something back to the community that has taken him in. His goal has always been to write a book. He was at first afraid that his acquaintances would take offense to being written about, but almost halfway through his writing, they all begin to take interest in his work, even egging him on to finish. When Bourgois gets tendinitis and can’t write, Primo and others are disappointed, highlighting a “psychotherapeutic dimension" (47) to their relationship.

Chapter 2 Summary: “A Street History of El Barrio”

Bourgois uses this chapter to trace the roots of East Harlem’s problems to the issues in Puerto Rico that caused such a mass exodus to New York. He begins with the fact that Puerto Rico was not a profitable country to control for any nation. It was at best a key point for military control of the region. Although the island was subjected to U.S. rule and law, without representation in Congress, the needs of the individual were not considered. Puerto Rico’s problem is summed up by Caesar in another recording when he tells Bourgois that the only reason Puerto Rico matters to the U.S. is because it was close to Cuba, meaning it was an ideal spot from which to try and "destroy communism" (49).

With the advent of big business and its greed, Puerto Rico’s economy was negatively transformed in the 1990s, rendering it unfavorable for the local economy (largely agricultural) while bolstering the presence of American factories. U.S. multinational corporations flocked to Puerto Rico due to its tax concessions. This led to the island becoming a haven for industry as well as the rich, yet none of the wealth went back to the locals. Here Bourgois focuses on the idealized and even romanticized concept of the jíbaro. A jíbaro is a "ruggedly independent" subsistence farmer who "wears a straw hat [...] [and] wields a machete" (50). Even though Primo and Caesar don’t think of themselves as jíbaros, Primo admits that his father is one. Puerto Rico’s economy went from a place of agriculture with jíbaros to a land where they were not welcome. These subsistence farmers began to decline, initially found on haciendas, or private hillside land. They then became little more than workers on foreign-owned land, although even this harsh life wasn’t enough to sustain them. Mass migrations to the U.S. found these former agricultural workers obtaining work in factories, and then as sweatshop workers. The New York-born Puerto Ricans, Nuyoricans, fall into this workforce, with people like Primo and Caesar going from working in legal establishments for the upwardly mobile to abandoning these jobs for the underworld of selling crack.

Bourgois continues his assessment of the ills that have befallen Puerto Ricans by underscoring what he calls the “cultural assault” (52) that they face and faced upon coming to America. One such affront was an English-only policy enacted in schools in 1949 by the U.S. Colonial’s administration. Bourgois and his subjects also talk a lot about the self-esteem and social networks that are inherent to Puerto Ricans, and how these concepts were attacked once people emigrated to the U.S. Where once there were respected hierarchies involving age, gender, and friendship, they were now seen as "racially inferior pariahs" (53) by Americans and other emigrants: "The Puerto Ricans all look alike, their names all sound alike, and if an inspector calls in […] nobody speaks English" (62). Race has played such a damaging part in segregating Puerto Ricans and the poor from the labor market and in destroying self-worth. Self-esteem, which is an important aspect in Puerto Rican culture, has disappeared. Bourgois rounds out this section by showing some of the hardships that New York-born Puerto Ricans now face due to racism and working conditions. These hardships include the highest amount of bedridden disability, the largest amount of deaths caused by cirrhosis of the liver, the fastest growing group of HIV cases, and the highest rate of suicide attempts.

In “Confronting Individual Responsibility on the Street,” Bourgois alludes to the role of responsibility for one’s actions, highlighting how subjects like Primo, Caesar, and Ray can sidestep their actions due to how much their culture has had to face. "Structural victimization"(54) and racism can make them angry and want to be better than the stereotype, but they also see these markers as passes for their violent and self-destructive nature. Bourgois takes this further to underscore how, since the 1880s, the government has given East Harlem a bad rap. The people, regardless of the prevailing ethnicity, are seen as violent and inferior by the rest of the state and the nation. Even early ethnographers fell victim to judging the inhabitants of East Harlem in stereotypical terms, rendering blanket judgments instead of helping to change the outlook.

Bourgois next looks at the old vanguard Mafia that once ran the streets of New York, including East Harlem. The Mafia was once feared and all-encompassing but is now mostly outdated. Despite this, the Mafia instilled the culture of crime and violence that show those like Ray that violence is effective. Caesar makes note of this during an interview when he says that the Italians still have connections: "The only way you could survive in this world is to be connected or to be connected dirty" (76).Essentially, even once one gets rich, one still has to get "dirty" to make businesses like Ray’s Game Room prosper.

Chapters 1-2 Analysis

Bourgois highlights the negative effects of social marginalization, what he calls "apartheid in the United States" (19). El Barrio is separated from the rest of Harlem and the rest of New York. Its underground economy breeds violence and racism that expresses itself in a street culture, which ironically is meant to oppose mainstream concepts like exclusion and racism. Bourgois himself has to be accepted into the underground economy before he can walk with the drug dealers he researches. He must also learn "street smarts" (19) to remain in the group, something highlighted when he inadvertently “disses” (22) a drug dealer and puts his research and his life in danger. Tension between minority groups like African Americans and Puerto Ricans is also a constant source of violence. This violence underscores the fact that social marginalization breeds violence.

In Chapter 2, the concept of jíbaro is brought up by Bourgois to highlight present-day Nuyoricans and their ties to Puerto Rico. Nuyoricans are New-York born Puerto Ricans whose parents emigrated to the United States. The inability to make a living in Puerto Rico due to the U.S.’s neo-colonialism forced earlier generations, many like the jíbaros, to flee to the United States. Jíbaro values include self-reliance and independence, traits that people like Primo and Caesar still adhere to in their dealings with both the legal and illegal economy. Even though people like Primo are able to see their actions and even call themselves "lazy"(117) at times, they also have the failure of mainstream society to accept them and the U.S.’s destruction of Puerto Rico’s infrastructure to use as scapegoats. History is also an important tool in placing the use of violence into context. The Italian Mafia used to run much of New York, yet the only lasting legacy the mob left was the effectiveness of violence to make a point. 

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