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Thrity UmrigarA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In interviews, Thrity Umrigar describes her upbringing in India as one that was both cosmopolitan and secular. She is a member of the privileged Parsi minority, followers of the dualistic Zoroastrian religion who fled religious persecution in Iran in the 10th century. According to legend, when they arrived in India, their priests were presented with a glass of milk to show that the land was full and could not accommodate immigrants. The priests added sugar to the milk, explaining they would fit in like sugar dissolves in milk, “sweetening” the land as they assimilated. The Parsi community quickly adapted to British rule, sometimes taking Anglicized names to signal professions, such as Engineer, Driver, or Merchant. The Parsi community has largely been protected from the communal violence that has haunted India since the Partition in 1947. Being educated, wealthy, and influential, the community has also largely escaped religious tensions among Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh populations; for example, the wife of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, founder of Pakistan, and the husband of Indira Ghandi, the third Prime Minister of India, were both Parsi. Being part of this privileged yet largely invisible minority makes Umrigar a less biased observer of contemporary Indian life, the subject of all but one of her 10 novels. Honor deals with Hindu violence against the Muslim minority in rural India, but as Umrigar belongs to neither group, she positions herself as an impartial observer.
Umrigar is an author, journalist, and academic who left India at 21 for America, where she currently resides and which she considers her adopted homeland. Being a member of the North American Indian diaspora also adds to her insider/outsider positionality. Several of her novels include characters like Smita who return to India after spending time in North America, such as Armaiti of The World We Found (2012) and Remy Wadia of The Museum of Failures (2023). In Honor, there is a contrast between Mohan’s acceptance of India and Smita’s rejection of her former homeland. Smita’s profession as a journalist, which mirrors that of Umrigar, further positions her as an outsider whose role is to observe and report. However, both protagonist and author are connected to India, which prevents Smita from being as dispassionate as she desires.
Honor begins with a fictional article reporting an honor killing, the murder of a girl or woman by family in response to perceived shame. This type of gendered violence happens most commonly in the Middle East/North Africa region, the Indian subcontinent, and diasporic communities from these regions. Shannon Carpenter’s fictional article is inspired by Ellen Barry’s real-life New York Times article “In India, a Small Band of Women Risk It All for a Chance to Work.” In interviews, Umrigar expresses shock at the treatment of women in patriarchal, rural India, something that her privileged life in cosmopolitan Mumbai and decades away from India have shielded her from; this shock is reflected in her protagonist, Smita. The reader is brought along with the protagonist and author as they uncover the difficult realities of women’s lives.
While India is officially a secular country, religion plays a central, public role in inhabitants’ daily lives. The country’s constitution guarantees freedom of religion and outlaws discrimination based on religious affinity. This populous country of 1.4 billion people (almost 18% of the total world population) is home to various religious believers: Hindus (approximately 80%), Muslims (approximately 14%), Christians and Sikhs (approximately 2% each), Jains, Buddhists, and others (less than 1% each) (“Religious Composition of India.” Pew Research Center, 2021). In Honor, the Hindu/Muslim dynamic is a major point of contention. As educational website Asia Society explains,
India is a hierarchical society. Whether in north India or south India, Hindu or Muslim, urban or village, virtually all things, people, and social groups are ranked according to various essential qualities. Although India is a political democracy, notions of complete equality are seldom evident in daily life. (“Indian Society and Ways of Living.” Asia Society).
There are several hierarchies explored in the novel, not just that of Hindu/Muslim—including male/female, educated/uneducated, wealthy/poor, and rural/urban. Characters’ identifiers change their places in various hierarchies; placement matters less than how one relates to others. This dynamic is called relational power. For example, being educated and wealthy will grant authority in some settings, but in others, maleness will override these identifiers. For example, Smita is an educated and relatively wealthy woman, but in India, her male interviewees wield power over her. She is only acknowledged when accompanied by Mohan, an educated and wealthy man whom others assume is her husband.
Caste is another identifier of status within Hindu society. It is a hereditary privilege centered on “purity” and can determine a person’s career and marriage options, as people from lower (or “polluted”) castes are destined for careers that reflect “pollution.” The Dalit (formerly called the pejorative “untouchables”) continue to be discriminated against despite laws to prevent this. Caste divisions and discrimination are more commonly seen in rural settings like that in the novel, as cities can offer migrants a certain level of anonymity. For example, Abdul dreamed of moving his family to the city to escape village traditions of caste and religion. His wife, Meena, expresses her lower status by sitting lower than those of higher status. After Abdul is killed and Meena is injured by her two brothers, she tries to lower herself at the police station until her lawyer, Anjali, stops her (84), and she also does it when she and Smita sit outside a hut (89). The idea of “pollution” is illustrated when Meena wonders if Smita will drink water from a Muslim household; she assumes Smita is Hindu and of a higher caste. Meena’s daughter, Abru, is seen as a living example of “pollution” due to being born of a Muslim man and Hindu woman. While Meena’s brothers want to punish her for disobeying them and dishonoring their family (by marrying and having a child with a Muslim man), their fellow villagers want to destroy Abru.
Indian society is not only hierarchical but also patriarchal. Meena’s former village works as a larger version of family, with Rupal Bhosle, head of the village council, making decisions for other members. He advises Meena’s brothers to take action against her and prevents other members from speaking with Smita and Mohan. Meena’s eldest brother is the head of their respective family, meaning Meena and her younger sister, Radha, have to give him their salaries—their factory jobs previously being forbidden by him. Part of Abdul’s appeal is his treatment of Meena as an equal. He not only shares his food but also prioritizes feeding her. When he learns of her pregnancy, he is thrilled to have a child with her, regardless of the child being a boy or girl. Overall, Abdul represents an India that is able to break free of hierarchy and patriarchy—a hope that lives on through Abru.
When Smita learns of Rupal and Meena’s brothers’ violence against Meena, she is horrified by “how alarmingly easy it had been to get millions to participate in genocide during both the Holocaust and the Partition. […] All one had to do was use a few buzzwords: God, Country, Religion, Honor” (67). This quote equates the Holocaust of European Jewish people during WWII and the Partition in India in 1947, as both were genocides. A genocide is the deliberate killing of a particular national, ethnic, or religious group. In India, political groups pushed radical separatist ideologies, and this incited local incidents of violence. Some took advantage of the mounting tension by attempting land and wealth grabs; isolated incidents led to retaliation, increasing hatred. Millions moved north or south in order to be on a specific side of the Indian-Pakistani border before the stroke of midnight on August 15, 1947. By the time India and Pakistan came into existence, more than 15 million people were displaced, and one to two million people died.
In the current affairs magazine The Diplomat, Guneeta Singh Balla, the director of an ongoing oral history project to preserve the legacy of the Partition, elaborates,
[T]he violence and separation of Muslims from non-Muslims was not an inevitable outcome. It is not that ‘Hindus and Muslims could not live with each other,’ as I often hear younger generations lament, or as Winston Churchill famously proclaimed. It is that fringe elements were aroused by political rhetoric and their criminal acts victimized all of humanity in those regions. (Singh Balla, Guneeta. “What Really Caused the Violence of Partition?” The Diplomat, 28 Aug. 2019).
Misunderstanding of the Partition as “inevitable” is exacerbated by intolerance in both India and Pakistan. India shows intolerance through Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, which advocates for Hindutva, or Hindu-ness, a far-right nationalist ideology that equates India with Hinduism; the Bharatiya Janata Party is thus critical of secular policies and values. It has gained traction among the lower classes and rural populations of India. Furthermore, Singh Balla’s oral history project notes intolerance among younger generations who did not grow up in the multicultural communities that commonly existed before the Partition. In Honor, Smita’s experience of communal violence as a child and coverage of Meena’s own situation explore this point. To her, intolerance is not due to political manipulation or personal greed, but culture. It was not those in power like Rupal, head of the village council, who necessarily caused the problem; it was the perpetuation of their corruption and violence—and women disproportionately pay the price.
By Thrity Umrigar
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