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By 1908 many residents of India yearn for independence—Swaraj, or Home Rule —from Great Britain. This cause has been fostered by Indian political leaders, newspapers, a number of British intellectuals and leaders, and the National Congress, an organization formed to campaign for the freedom and welfare of the Indian people.
Many of the proponents of Indian independence want nothing to do with the colonial authorities and believe that the National Congress simply placates the British overlords. Cited as appeasers are two of the leaders of the independence movement, Dadabhai Naoroji and Gopal Gokhali. Gandhi responds that these campaigns take time to accomplish and that impatience with the movement’s founding elders will impede progress: “A nation that is desirous of securing Home Rule cannot afford to despise its ancestors” (7).
Gandhi also defends the English against general condemnation: “That the English people are somewhat more selfish than others is true, but that does not prove that every Englishman is bad” (8). Gandhi believes that treating them justly will lead to the freedom India desires. “It is my duty patiently to try to remove your prejudice” against them (9).
Gandhi explains that the National Congress “gave us a foretaste of Home Rule” and that “[t]he Congress has always insisted that the Nation should control revenue and expenditure” (9).
The Partition of Bengal (a division of a large Indian province into a majority Muslim east and a majority Hindu west) “may be considered to be the day of the partition of the British Empire” (10), for it raises hardships for Hindus there and inspires a yearning for independence. Polite petitions give way to determined confrontation, as “[t]he demand for the abrogation of the Partition is tantamount to a demand for Home Rule” (10).
The independence movement splits into two main factions, the slow-moving Moderates and the bold but impatient Extremists. Gandhi deplores this division but predicts “that such divisions will not last long” (11).
Gandhi believes India is like a man waking from sleep and that the violent unrest caused by the Partition is a form of discontent, which is “a very useful thing” (11). Gandhi regrets the violence, however: “All these may be considered good signs but they may also lead to bad results” (12).
For many Indians, Swaraj (self-rule) means retaining the advantages of the British, including their type of government and navy and so forth, but without the British rulers. Gandhi responds that such an India will not be truly free of English influence: “[Y]ou would make India English. And when it becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan but Englistan. This is not the Swaraj that I want” (13).
For Gandhi, the British Parliament is not to be admired but rejected. A true parliament, whose members work without pay but only for the common good, would do much better than the present one. Its condition is “pitiable”: “the members are hypocritical and selfish. Each thinks of his own little interest. It is fear that is the guiding motive. What is done today may be undone tomorrow” (14). Parliament is “buffeted about like a prostitute,” and “Prime Ministers are known to have made Parliament do things merely for party advantage” (15). Prime Ministers have “neither real honesty nor a living conscience” (16).
As for the English people, “[t]hey take their cue from their newspapers which are often dishonest” (16) and pitch the news to help the party each paper supports. The result is a people who “change their views frequently” (16). They are patriotic, Gandhi concedes, “[b]ut that does not mean that the nation possesses every other virtue or that it should be imitated” (16). He believes the English are being “degraded and ruined day by day” by modern civilization (16).
Civilization, says Gandhi, intoxicates us with its promise of improved “bodily welfare,” including better housing and clothing (17). At the same time, speedy travel merely allows ambitious men to “amass great wealth. This is called a sign of civilization” (17). Everything will be available at the push of a button: “Men will not need the use of their hands and feet” (18). Battles used to be fought one-on-one, but “now it is possible to take away thousands of lives by one man working behind a gun from a hill” (18).
Once free to work in the open air, people today swelter in mines and factories: “They are obliged to work, at the risk of their lives, at most dangerous occupations, for the sake of millionaires” (18). New diseases plague nations. People waste their energies in overeating. Leaders ignore religion or treat it like a “superstitious growth”; worse, “immorality is often taught in the name of morality” (19). Ironically, “[c]ivilization seeks to increase bodily comforts, and it fails miserably even in doing so” (19).
Europeans “appear to be half mad. They lack real physical strength or courage. They keep up their energy by intoxication. They can hardly be happy in solitude” (19). Women “slave away in factories […] This awful fact is one of the causes of the daily growing suffragette movement” (19).
Gandhi believes civilization will “be self-destroyed” and that the English “will cast off the evil” (19).
The English first arrive in India as traders. Indians, “tempted at the sight of their silver” (20), welcome them and buy their goods. When Indians fight among themselves, especially Hindus against Muslims, they ask for help from the well-armed English and soon join their ranks as soldiers. The English become powerful: “Hence it is truer to say that we gave India to the English than that India was lost” (21).
The English search for trade opportunities and use their military to protect the commerce, and because of this, Gandhi says that “[m]any problems can be solved by remembering that money is their God. Then it follows that we keep the English in India for our base self-interest” (21).
The English people, over centuries, develop machines that provide them with more possessions and pleasures and wealth. This leads them to build still more machines as they pursue yet more riches, until they become obsessed with owning more and more without end. They search the world for resources and arrive on the shores of India, where they discover a prosperous agrarian society that seems ripe for the plucking. The English engage Indians in trade, slowly luring them into sharing the obsession. Before long, much of India is as drunk with acquisitiveness, same as the English.
This scenario is, roughly, Gandhi’s view of the problem India faces. For him, it is not the British who oppress India with their colonial rule; it is the Indians themselves who have adopted British attitudes and desires. These desires besmirch an Indian culture already sophisticated and wise. The newfound love for finery and pleasures comes at the cost of workers, who must slave away in harsh and dangerous factories and mines while the people lose contact with their own values and indulge in vices, neglect their filial duties, and grow soft.
The Indian desire to overthrow the British Raj bespeaks, to Gandhi, a populace made cowardly and weak. They simply want a British lifestyle without having to answer to the British. A brave people would not put up with the condescension Indians receive from their British overlords, yet Gandhi cannot argue with the foreigners’ contempt, since Indians have so thoroughly debased themselves in kowtowing to their colonial masters.
The idea that Britain will overthrow its own civilization—in particular the hypnotizing machinery, workers’ hardships, factory owners’ greed, and political corruption—echoes the prediction of the Marxists, who believe these very problems in industrial societies will lead to revolution and the overthrow of the old order. The National Congress, which campaigns for Indian liberation, shares some of this worldview; in future decades it will guide India into becoming a socialist republic.
Gandhi’s views are not, on the face of it, the same as the progressives: He wants India to return to a pre-industrial condition, where the ancient virtues might once again prevail. In many ways, Gandhi is deeply conservative. However, he declares repeatedly that the greed of the wealthy causes damage to societies. He also understands that political and industrial changes happen slowly and that, in the interim, a pragmatic use of government control of factories may be in order. Gandhi works alongside Subhas Chandra Bose, a militant revolutionary who in the 1930s and 1940s comes to believe that India should be managed by a combined Nazi-Socialist regime.
Gandhi trains as an attorney and takes a position among the Indian expatriates of South Africa, where he suffers racial prejudice from the British colonists there. Radicalized and disenchanted with British civilization, Gandhi returns to India, where he spends the rest of his life campaigning for independence for his native land.
Gandhi’s writings have the strong sense of certainty often found among practitioners of law; his conclusions tend to be black-and-white. This leads him sometimes into contradictions and, on occasion, obstinacy. Gandhi is well aware of these problems; he does not pretend to be perfect. His goal is a world that can live together in love, respect, and harmony. Such a lofty purpose earns him a sympathetic understanding of his faults, among his adherents and well-wishers.
By Mahatma Gandhi