Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community

De Tocqueville (1805-1859) was a French aristocrat, diplomat, and political philosopher who traveled in the United States in the early 19th century to observe the workings of the young republic. In 1835, he published the seminal work, Democracy in America, which Putnam quotes and refers to several times. De Tocqueville described in detail the American tendency to form and join associations and considered that habit to be essential to the workings of American democracy. Dubbing the American penchant for helping others out in times of need “habits of the heart,” de Tocqueville highlighted how social trust and reciprocity allowed formal institutions to work. Political and social equality, per Tocqueville, fostered these habits of the heart, a point with which Putnam agrees. These habits soften and offset the rampant individualism that de Tocqueville observed. Religion, for example, at its best promotes concern for others and community. Putnam reminds the reader of this long historical tradition, first documented by de Tocqueville, and raises the alarm that these habits are declining at great cost to American society and democracy.

Those born between the years of 1910 and 1940 are members of what Putnam terms the long civic generation. This category overlaps with what are traditionally considered the Greatest Generation (born 1901-1924) and the Silent Generation (born 1925-1945). The long civic generation was shaped by World War II, which inculcated a sense of solidarity and commitment to community. This generation was called upon to make great sacrifices for others during that war, both at home and abroad, and it answered the call. Putnam documents how this generation continues to participate in community affairs, albeit at declining rates. However, its rate of decline is much less steep than that of other generations. Significantly, this is the last generation to grow up without television, which Putnam notes as another cause of the decline in social capital. This active generation is gradually being replaced by generations that are not as active in community affairs.

Baby Boomers were born between 1946 and 1964, which makes them the first generation to grow up with television. Compared to the previous generation, they are more distrustful of other people and institutions and more individualistic. Therefore, their level of civic engagement is less than that of their parents. Ironically, Boomers are more educated than the previous generation. Education typically increases civic involvement but not in this generational sense. They are not as likely to belong to a formal church or participate in politics as their parents were. This generation partly came of age during the Vietnam War. Unlike World War II, that war divided the country and left many less trusting of government, which lied about progress in the war. Putnam attributes the decline of social capital to the gradual replacement of the long civic generation with Baby Boomers and Generation X.

Born between 1965 and 1980, Generation X is even less likely to be involved in politics or even informed about it than the Boomers. They are less trusting of others as well. Putnam explains about half of the decline in social capital to generational succession, with this less civically involved generation replacing the long civic one. This generation arguably is less politically aware given the absence of a draft, as was the case for the Vietnam War, and civil rights movements, which were at their peak in the 1960s and 1970s. Yet Putnam highlights hopeful indicators with this generation as its members are increasing volunteering and community service. He is cautious because some of this service is mandated by schools and it is often one-on-one, as opposed to a collective undertaking. However, he notes that nonpolitical involvement can evolve into collective action.

The Progressive movement took place from the 1890s to the 1920s. While multi-faceted, the Progressive movement was largely white and middle-class. It sought to reform politics, curbing corruption, and introducing democratic reforms, such as party primaries and the direct election of US Senators. Additionally, the movement focused on economic and sociological problems that resulted from mass industrialization. It advocated for anti-trust laws and regulation over industries to prevent child labor, ensure fair wages, and reasonable working hours. At this time, multiple organizations were formed to improve conditions in education, industry, and other areas. Putnam compares the late 20th century to this earlier period. The progressives built organizations that restored a dwindling supply of social capital. They did so with innovation, not by trying to restore a rural past that was gone. He cites the Boy Scouts as a brilliant way to combine socialization with fun and therefore appeal to people. Putnam hopes that a movement emerges in the late 20th century that emulates this earlier movement.

The PTA is but one example of a type of organization that is declining at a significant cost to social capital. Founded in the Progressive era, or in 1897, this organization was comprised of local chapters. At the local level, parents and teachers met face-to-face at meetings and collaborated on the education of youth. It is responsible for the establishment of kindergarten classes as one example of its accomplishments. For Putnam, its significance is found in the participation of parents in their children’s education as social connections were made between parents and teachers. This type of organization is dying because people are no longer so willing to attend public meetings. For Putnam, these organizations, vibrant at the grassroots level and somewhat demanding of members, are critical for social capital.