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36 pages 1 hour read

Eddie S. Glaude Jr.

Begin Again: James Baldwin’s America and Its Urgent Lessons for Our Own

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2020

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Chapters 4-5Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “The Reckoning”

Chapter 4 addresses the shift in Baldwin’s work and politics in the wake of the civil rights era, during the rise of Black militancy.

The Black Panther Party formed in 1966 in response to growing poverty, chronic unemployment, and increasing police violence against Black people. Young militants rejected the non-violence advocated by King and the NAACP. For them, revolution was the only path forward. Baldwin took a more nuanced stance, seeing morality (rather than power and policy) as the key to creating a more just society. While he understood that the climate called for a radical course of action and that White America’s continued racism made Black Power necessary, Baldwin both supported of the movement and criticized it. For example, he rejected Black Power’s separatist stance, as well as its call for solidarity based on essentialist ideas of Blackness. Nevertheless, he saw the movement as a justifiable response to the betrayal of the civil rights movement.

Glaude argues that King’s death was a pivotal moment for Baldwin. His work turned inward, focusing on what Black people could do to secure their freedom. In other words, his target audience shifted from White to Black people. Scholars typically describe Baldwin’s post-1963 career as a period of decline inflected by his rage and militant politics. In contrast, Glaude stresses the continuity of themes, such as American identity, history, and myths, in Baldwin’s oeuvre. Taking Black Power seriously was part of an effort to change with the times, but Baldwin emphasized the relationship between morality and racism throughout his career: Who Americans take themselves to be was always the central question. Baldwin understood that some White people would never give up on the value gap.

Similarly, Glaude suggests not wasting time reaching out to disaffected Trump voters, instead calling for a revolution of value. This revolution entails telling the truth about past and present racism, implementing policies that remedy long-standing inequities based on the lie, and centering values that promote the equality of all humans. Grassroots movements aimed at shifting politics are key, as is the rejection of old beliefs. 

Chapter 5 Summary: “Elsewhere” Summary: “Elsewhere”

Chapter 5 focuses on Baldwin’s time in Istanbul over the course of a decade. Glaude contends that the Turkish city afforded Baldwin critical distance from the deadly dynamics of the US, spurring his creative output. Indeed, Baldwin started or completed several key works in Istanbul, including No Name in the Street. Istanbul offered Baldwin anonymity, a quiet place to work, and the distance he needed to make sense of the collapse of the civil rights movement. Baldwin grieved King’s assassination, the death of Bobby Hutton at the hands of Oakland police officers, and riots in major US cities. Personal and professional problems also marked this time: health issues and a failed attempt to make a film about Malcolm X. Istanbul served as a refuge and a place where Baldwin could reimagine hope.

Glaude uses the term “elsewhere” to denote a place in the physical and metaphorical senses. Elsewhere allows space to breathe and to live apart from smothering assumptions. Elsewhere also affords a different vantage point, allowing people to ready themselves to reenter the fray. Although Baldwin relied on the language of exile when writing about his time away from the US, Glaude argues that the term “elsewhere” better captures the nuances of Baldwin’s time abroad, as exile implies the inability to return home.

Being abroad provided Baldwin with a deeper understanding of his past, language, and individuality. It was also a key aspect of his social criticism, enabling him to bear witness to the workings of American society. Baldwin remained committed to the US during his time away, refusing to cede his country to those committed to the lie. Indeed, leaving the US was his way of resisting the lie. As Glaude notes, however, “elsewhere” does not require physical distance—refusing to accommodate the status quo and making choices that are outside the norm yield similar results. Reimagining the country demands an elsewhere—a physical or metaphorical place of rest and love to face the difficult task of changing the country. To this end, Glaude recommends cultivating communities of love, working to remake ourselves in the image of who we want to be, and maintaining hope for a better future.

Chapters 4-5 Analysis

Baldwin’s views on racism evolved later in his life. A key difference in Baldwin’s early and late writings is his stance on who should solve the country’s racism problem. In his early works, Baldwin saw Black people as partially responsible for ending racism, armed with the redemptive power of suffering and love embodied by King and early civil rights leaders. As Glaude observes, Baldwin’s emphasis on love asked a lot from Black people, who had to “break free from the assumptions about who they were” in order to “lovingly open up space for white people to see themselves otherwise” (107). Baldwin held that this approach was the only way Black and White people could be free.

However, his stance shifted as the promises of the civil rights movement faded. According to Glaude, Baldwin lost faith in White peoples’ ability to change: “He rejected […] the faith that we could convince those who were so deeply invested in being white that they should see themselves otherwise” (107). Embracing the anger of the Black Power movement, Baldwin became suspicious of his White Liberal supporters, seeing them as co-conspirators in maintaining the value gap. Further, he shifted the burden of decreasing racial tensions during the race riots that swept across the nation after King’s murder from Black to White people. If change was going to happen, it had to come from White people, who had to “release themselves from their own captivity” (110).

Baldwin’s changing stance on racism was made possible by his “elsewhere”—Istanbul—a space to rethink his views of America’s race problem in the wake of disappointment and trauma. This recalibration echoes the theme of new beginnings running through Glaude’s book. Baldwin calls Istanbul “A place where I can find out again—where I am—and what I must do. A place where I can stop and do nothing in order to start again.” (129); there, he worked on No Name in the Street—a new start he saw as: “beginning again” (117).

Religious references feature prominently, as Glaude describes Istanbul as a place of intersection—a city that is part of Europe and Asia, and that balances Islam and Christianity. The title of No Name in the Street, alludes to Job 18:16-20, which describes the fate of the wicked; and Glaude compares Baldwin’s suffering to that of the Old Testament prophet Jeremiah, who rebuked the Jews for surrendering to idolatry and depravity. Jeremiah’s prophecies connect inextricably to his individual grief, suffering, and sense of isolation, which resonates with the fact that Baldwin’s social vision also cannot be divorced from his psychic anguish. Indeed, he arrived at social analysis by exploring his personal pain and vulnerabilities, writing freely about his mental collapses. In No Name in the Street, for instance, he writes about his mental breakdown after the deaths of loved ones and the end of civil rights movement, to which he had devoted much of his life.

Glaude ends Chapters 4 and 5 with discussions of the current political climate. Glaude’s aim is not to save or demonize Trump voters. Rather, echoing Baldwin’s call for a New Jerusalem, he urges readers to devote all their energies to building the country anew by telling the truth, remedying generations of racial injustice, and promoting values related to equality. Current conditions in the US resemble those of Baldwin’s era, underscoring the lack of progress in matters of racial equality: Police officers are commonly acquitted of killing unarmed Black people, the federal government enacts cruel policies toward immigrants seeking to escape violence in their home countries, and White people are consumed with debilitating anxiety about the trajectory of the country.

While Fox News exacerbates the anxiety of Trump supporters by repeating lies about immigrants, liberals are told they must alleviate this anxiety. For Glaude, the emphasis on reaching out to Trump supporters is another way of saying White people matter more than non-White people. Living in Trump’s America weighs heavily on people of color, yet Glaude, like Baldwin, remains hopeful for the future: “In our time, with so much hatred and venom in our politics and our culture, we must actively cultivate communities of love that allow us to imagine different ways of being together” (142). Glaude’s use of strong language, however, reveals that the road to change will not be easy. Cultivating an elsewhere is critical to maintaining focus because, without a refuge, “all of this shit can drive you mad” (140).

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