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Angela Y. DavisA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
One of the main reasons Davis argues for the abolition of prisons is the system’s blatant connections to racist ideologies. Behind slavery, Jim Crow laws, lynching, and segregation are white supremacist beliefs that Black bodies are inferior. Davis believes that prison is the successor and legal continuation of these institutions and their racist beliefs. After emancipation, white society wielded prisons as a new way to control recently freed Black people. White society intentionally altered the legal system through Black Codes—and, later, Jim Crow laws—to make normal behaviors criminal “only when the person charged was black” (28), allowing white society to interpret the vaguely worded Codes as they wished. In Chapter 2, Davis notes that the increase of convictions against Black people after emancipation swapped prison demographics in the South from all-white to all-Black, effectively normalizing the disproportionately Black prison populations that persist today. Although media, governments, and even education systems attempt to relegate American racism to the past, Davis reports that the racist targeting of Black people continues to this day, as police admit to having programs of racial profiling “designed to maximize the numbers of African-Americans and Latinos arrested—even in the absence of probable cause” (31)—to maintain incarceration rates.
A major connection that Davis and other scholars see between slavery and prisons is the exploitative labor practices that use Black bodies for profit and efficient industrial expansion. No longer able to buy and sell Black human beings to work on plantations, post-Civil War white industrials used a loophole in the 13th Amendment to regain control of Black peoples’ labor. Convict leasing physically placed Black people back on plantations—often under worse conditions—and the use of chains visually related convicts to slaves, warping the public imagination to connect newly freed Black people with the threat of criminality. The connection between Blackness and criminality is so strong, Davis asserts, that white criminals, especially women, “are more closely associated with blackness than their ‘normal’ counterparts” (68). Although the system eventually abolished convict leasing, Davis notes a persisting imaginative link between prisons and “slave” labor, as the majority-Black populations still perform exploitative work for private corporations behind bars—like building furniture for universities or “mak[ing] circuit boards; limousines, waterbeds, and lingerie for Victoria's Secret” (84). Despite the prevalence of the practice, Davis points out, convict labor is mostly invisible to “free world” society, which has the effect of erasing Black people’s contributions to America’s functioning economy.
Throughout the text, Davis is particularly critical of government initiatives to be “tough on crime,” because these initiatives usually affect Black and minority communities the most. Crimes of survival—like stealing—and crimes of escapism—like drug use—have garnered new felony offences and long sentences behind bars, tearing communities apart and ruining lives. As Black, minority, and low-income communities often have less funding for education and healthcare—coupled with government cuts to welfare—Davis views this criminalization of survival tactics as counterproductive to making communities safer. In fact, she and other academics find these programs an intentional deployment of racism. What these laws and sentences implicitly reveal are strategies of white supremacy that seek to totally remove Black people from white society. Davis notes that although most people will break the law sometime in their lives, only Black men have a one-in-three guaranteed chance of ending up behind bars, making prison “an inevitable fact of life, like birth and death” (15). As the privatization of prisons continues and the prison industrial complex introduces corporate players and investors, the exploitation and criminalization of Black people becomes the key component for a thriving industry. Davis argues that governments and organizations put their money into the criminal justice system because the punishment of Black and minority bodies is one of the most lucrative businesses for an American economy “driven by an unprecedented pursuit of profit, no matter what the human cost” (91).
Davis argues that prisons perpetuate many outdated beliefs and repressive practices, including racism, that wouldn’t be acceptable anywhere else in modern society. A large part of her criticism rests with prison’s gender-based punishments for female inmates, particularly the normalized sexual assault that women prisoners endure. In Chapter 4, Davis explores how often women inmates undergo strip searches, internal cavity searches, and pat-and-frisks—all procedures permitted under prison rules. She and other activist groups like Sisters Inside see these “routine” procedures as criminal acts, as they infringe on inmates’ personal rights and bodily safety. Prison authorities superficially condemn even outright sexual abuse—like rape and coercion to sex under threat—though they superficially condemn it. As private prison owners and governments don’t punish such behaviours, Davis sees these organizations as responsible for and “directly implicated in an institution that perpetuates violence against women” (83). Prisons doubly victimize women of color, as they receive racially motivated punishments to deny their femininity, like placing them in men’s prisons or in hard labor on chain gangs. Davis argues that these punishments, which women prisoners experience incredibly often, prove that “women’s prisons have held on to oppressive patriarchal practices that are considered obsolete in the ‘free world’” (62).
Modern prisons have adopted and distorted the penitentiary’s early focus on isolation for spiritual awakening as a form of punishment. Protestant and Quaker reformers, as Davis states in Chapter 3, sought to rehabilitate those who broke the law through programs of self-discipline. In modern supermax prisons—where inmates spend up to 23 hours per day in the near-total sensory deprivation of isolation—the program makes “no pretense that rights are respected” (50) and is an explicit means to control and subdue prisoners. The program is especially concerning because it has no safeguards to ensure that supermax inmates really are those most in need of special punishment. As especially damning evidence, Davis reports that even the National Institute of Corrections—a government agency—finds the “overall constitutionality” (51) of supermax prisons doubtful because of the visible denial of human rights. For Davis, programs of extreme isolation are period-specific answers to understandings of human individuality, and prison authorities even considered them torturous in their own time. As society’s understandings of human individuality and human rights have developed, Davis notes, the continuance of these extreme practices is anachronistic and outright brutal by modern standards.
Despite prisons rapidly taking over the American landscape, Davis observes that the truth of prison operations remains invisible in the public consciousness. This invisibility is primarily due to the “ideological function” of prisons, which is to outwardly promote themselves as doing a necessary public good while hiding their true programs of exploitation and targeted punishment. Prisons alleviate the public’s need to think about issues—like racism, class bias, and inadequate healthcare—by claiming to make communities safer through programs of incarceration. Behind rhetoric of taking “evildoers” out of communities, prisons paint themselves as a necessary part of society’s safe development. In Chapter 1, Davis notes that the public—especially the white public—doesn’t care about prison expansion because people don’t view it as a personal issue; if anything, the public is more than happy to have “undesirables” (16) hidden away. Davis argues that Black and minority communities don’t have the luxury of ignoring prison expansion, as they “must regrettably accept prison sentences […] as an ordinary dimension of community life” (15). Davis argues, therefore, that America’s long-engrained racism accounts for the public’s consent to prison infrastructure expansion.
Davis identifies popular media—movies, television, and news outlets—as a main player in upholding the prison’s false visibility in society. The media distorts prison life, which obscures the truth of the institutions for the public. Prison films and television, being their own standardized genre, point to the public’s fascination with the institutions, but Davis views these pieces of media—like Cool Hand Luke and Oz—as promoting the necessity of prisons and of maintaining them as permanent institutions. Rather than looking to literature written by actual prisoners, the public gravitates toward sensationalist and dramatized stories to satiate their curiosity. Like John Bender’s analysis of early novels—which he found ideologically supported the early penitentiary’s ideals of self-actualization—Davis sees modern media as ideologically supporting the prison’s repressive regime—promoting the prison’s outward purpose of housing evildoers. Davis finds that news outlets also distort the public’s perception of crime, as they increasingly report on crime even when crime rates fall. In Chapter 5, Davis shares a statistic that despite homicide rates falling by half, “homicide stories on the three major networks rose almost fourfold” (92), which made the issue seem more prevalent than it was. Consumers of these news items are therefore more likely to believe in the prison’s usefulness.
The invisibility of prisons has also infiltrated activist circles, especially concerning issues in women’s prisons. As women’s prisons make up a small percentage of total prison infrastructure and women are a small percentage of total prison populations, Davis points out, women’s issues receive low priority for activists’ attention. Women’s punishments are also historically invisible in reformist programs, as women are “often punished within the domestic domain” (41) rather than in public. Davis argues, however, that looking at gendered structures of prison won’t only help women but will also benefit men trapped under prison’s cruel patriarchal regimes. Davis notes that “women remain today the fastest-growing sector of the U.S. prison population” (65), and she hopes that issues of gender will gain traction in activist circles for a more well-rounded view of the prison system’s ideological underpinnings.
Davis advocates for total prison abolition because, to her, prison reform programs only normalize the prison’s permanent, unchangeable place in the social landscape. Abolitionists believe that more productive and humane options of justice are available in the modern age. As the author notes in Chapter 3, prison itself was a reform of common corporal punishments like bodily torture, forced labor, or exile. In the Age of Reason and Protestant reformation, ideals of self-improvement and individuality were paramount, making isolated imprisonment both a viable way to punish and an opportunity for personal development. Modern reformers, David suggests, continue to vie for more humane conditions for those who break the law, but they “are simply trying to ameliorate prison conditions” (9) rather than eliminate the structures altogether. Davis doesn’t suggest that their activism is in vain—as she believes that those punished under the current system deserve empathy and respect of their rights—but she criticizes their inability to imagine alternatives to incarceration. She also criticizes how their programs uphold the prison as permanent. By ignoring the systems of oppression and bias that funnel people into prison in the first place—and ignoring the prison industrial complex that perpetuates extreme rates of incarceration—reformers normalize the prison’s place in society.
Prison reform can sometimes create even more repressive conditions when reformers apply uncritical formulaic changes to all institutions without acknowledging the differences of the demographics that those institutions house. One example Davis focuses on in Chapter 4 is the “equal but separate” model that seeks to make women’s and men’s incarceration programs the same. This model, rooted in the liberal goal of simple equality between the sexes, has made prison more repressive for women; rather than making men’s and women’s prisons both less oppressive, such perspectives seek to make women’s prisons match the harsh conditions in men’s prisons. For example, security housing units (SHUs) in women’s facilities act like supermax houses of extreme isolated punishment, and some states even introduced “equal opportunity chain gangs” (76) for men and women. Such programs also make men’s prisons the norm—and thus permanent, unchangeable institutions.
Therefore, Davis continually argues, reforming prisons is not enough; she advocates totally abolishing them. The ideologies of racial bias, class bias, and gender bias are too firmly rooted in the foundations of American incarceration infrastructure for reform to make a meaningful difference. The book proposes that decarceration should be the primary goal of antiprison activism. By reducing the number of people who enter the prison system, the entire prison industrial complex loses its power. Decarceration is both the decriminalization of behaviors and the development of social programs that prevent people from turning to crime for survival. Welfare programs, guaranteed income, equal access to healthcare, and quality education—which are all decarceration methods—work to make a more equal and empathetic society that doesn’t rely on the prison system to punish out-of-the-norm behaviors. Davis argues that the prison system impacts everyone in society—either directly or indirectly—so the abolitionist agenda can positively affect all communities.
By Angela Y. Davis
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