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55 pages 1 hour read

Omar El Akkad

American War

Fiction | Novel | Adult | Published in 2017

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Themes

How Do Terrorists Become Radicalized?

More than anything else, this may be the central question at the heart of American War. It is introduced early on with the vignette of Julia Templestowe, the suicide bomber who assassinated President Daniel Ki, igniting the Second American Civil War. When Templestowe is first mentioned in the Federal Syllabus excerpt, the reader would be forgiven for thinking of Templestowe as an ideological diehard, driven to murder by her slavish devotion to the Southern cause. Later, she is shown simply to be a damaged individual recruited straight out of the suicide ward: "They knew how to find the ones who were most likely to do it. They kept watchers in the hospitals, where they looked for suicide attempts, and in the schools, where they looked for outcasts, and in the churches, where they looked for hard-boiled extremists feverish with the spell of the Lord. From these, they forged weapons" (32).

While existing conditions of desperation and depression can make it easier for recruiters to transform individuals into terrorists, such a strategy won't work for a girl like Sarat. With a loving family and a free-thinking mind, Sarat is unlikely to strap on a suicide bomb absent a long grooming period and, most importantly, the radicalizing circumstances of war. In their earliest interactions, Gaines never makes his nefarious intentions clear. He employs a light touch that plays on Sarat's universal need to feel special and to feel in control, then he deftly transitions from an acknowledgement of her powerlessness to an appeal to her individuality and need to feel special.

Gaines then proceeds to indoctrinate Sarat in a philosophy of anti-Northern hate, but even after months of lessons, Sarat has little intention of defending the South through the means of insurgency. Consider Sarat's behavior the day before the Camp Patience massacre. She dreams of joining the Free Southern State in Atlanta as a government official. She organizes what the author refers to as "her own version of a scout troop" (146) to recover items lost in the previous night's storm. That does not sound like the behavior of a mass murdering terrorist, but rather a person who wants to do what she can to help her community. By the time the massacre is over, her mother is dead and her brother is presumed dead, along with most of her community of friends and neighbors, slaughtered by Northern militiamen.

Gaines may have groomed Sarat for several potential roles related to the Southern cause, including becoming a terrorist. However, it is the enemy to the North whose murderous behavior collapsed those possibilities into a single outcome. Again and again, it is the lived experience of war—massacres, drone strikes, detention—that causes an individual to murder innocents. This theme is revisited in Excerpt 12 in the Southern recruiter's confession. In commenting on the torture inflicted on non-insurgents in detention camps, the recruiter writes, "It was like a snake eating its own tail—by the time they got around to emptying those detention camps, they'd already turned most of the people there into exactly what they'd needed them to be in the first place. I always said the camps at Sugarloaf were the best recruiters the South ever had" (260).

The Role of Ideology in Insurgency Movements

Throughout American War, El Akkad offers a rebuke to the notion that terrorists are predominantly driven by ideology. This notion has grown in popularity over the past three decades with the rise of Islamic terrorist groups like Al Qaeda and the Islamic State. For example, the popular political science theory "Clash of Civilizations" posits that the Muslim world is a breeding ground for terror not because of pre-existing conditions of war, poverty, and desperation, but because of something endemic to the ideology of Islam. Samuel Huntington writes, "Islam's borders are bloody and so are its innards. The fundamental problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism. It is Islam, a different civilisation whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power." (Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1996.)

Again and again, El Akkad challenges this notion. Take the character of Attic, for instance: At the Floordeelee bar with Sarat, Attic makes it known that he doesn't care at all about the Southern cause. When Sarat asks Attic why he fights on her side, he responds, "I wanted to be something. I just wanted to be something" (238). While this may seem far-fetched to some, there are several real-life examples in which everyday ennui, lack of fulfillment, or a desire for fame drive a person to join an insurgency movement. Perhaps the most famous example is that of Cherif Kouachi, one of the perpetrators of the Charlie Hebdo killings. Kouachi "originally sought to escape his life of petty crime and poverty by becoming a famous rapper. He sought a very western form of fame, and failed, before gaining it by launching an attack on the west." (Manne, Anne. "Narcissism and terrorism: how the personality disorder leads to deadly violence." The Guardian. 8 Jun. 2015).

This theme is revisited a final time when Sarat, while driving down the highway as the war winds down, notices that theirs is the only "fossil car" (277) on the highway: “She remembered the old wartime footage of hollering Southerners on the back of huge fossil trucks, revving their engines in defiance. All that was gone now, and looking at the roads you’d think there never lived a single Southerner who’d ever wanted anything to do with the old fuel that started the war” (278). All of this is enough for Sarat to conclude, “Fuck the South” (313). However, if Sarat no longer believes in the Southern cause, then why does she carry out the attack on Columbus that causing the deaths of 110 million people? One answer is that it reflects the final split between Sarat’s insurrectionist identity and ideological pretense. She does it not to support the Southern cause or any other cause, but simply as a raw expression of her rage at those who caused her and her family so much suffering.

The Power of Narrative in War Reconciliation

As the war draws to a close, one of the major themes El Akkad explores is the power of narratives to erase or distort military history. In Excerpt 13, Senior Peace Officer David Castro describes the attitude of his Southern counterparts during Reunification talks: “Every day they’d come up with something new they wanted included in the public record—one time it’d be some nonsense about courage in the face of aggression, the next time it’d be about the necessity of self-defense and the protection of the long-cherished ways of living” (279). While his colleagues are happy to oblige with the Southerners attempt to shape peacetime narratives if it means the North fulfills its own strategic goals, Castro better understands the power of those narratives:

I told the President's people if we go along with this, if we nod and smile while they parade some fantasy about this being a noble disagreement between equals, and not a bloody fight over their stubborn commitment to a ruinous fuel, the war will never really be over. But in the end, Columbus went along with it. And even today, all these years later, we live with the consequences. They didn't understand, they just didn't understand. You fight the war with guns, you fight the peace with stories (279).

It is here that El Akkad's Second Civil War most closely resembles the first. In the years following the American Civil War, Southerners worked hard to put forth a revisionist and negationist theory about the roots of the conflict that minimized or outright denied the role slavery played. Instead, they framed the war as a fight to protect their Southern traditions in the face of tyrannical Northern aggression. This came to be known as the Lost Cause narrative of the Civil War, and it's persisted to varying degrees ever since the war ended. Confederate monuments were erected celebrating the heroism of its combatants and textbooks were rewritten to emphasize "state's rights" as the guiding principle behind the dispute, rather than slavery.

While many historians agree that these narratives aided in the peaceful reunification between Northern and Southern whites, they also minimized or ignored the suffering of former slaves, helping to pave the way for Jim Crow laws and other formal and informal acts of white supremacy in the South. According to historian Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, "Neither the trauma of slavery for African Americans nor their heroic, heartbreaking struggle for freedom found a place in that story." (Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd. "'You must remember this': Autobiography as social critique." Journal of American History. 1998.)

War as an Equalizer Between States and Cultures

In Chapter 9, Karina echoes one of El Akkad’s most salient themes when she expresses the extent to which terror and extremism can easily grow out of any war-torn nation—West or East, Christian or Muslim: "And what she understood—what none of the ones who came to touch Simon's forehead understood—was that the misery of war represented the world's only truly universal language. Its native speakers occupied different ends of the world, and the prayers they recited were not the same and the empty superstitions to which they clung so dearly were not the same—and yet they were. War broke them the same way, made them scared and angry and vengeful the same way. In times of peace and good fortune they were nothing alike, but stripped of these things they were kin. The universal slogan of war, she'd learned, was simple: If it had been you, you'd have done no different" (184). Interestingly, this quote serves as the inverse of Leo Tolstoy's famous principle from Anna Karenina, "Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way." (Tolstoy, Leo, 1828-1910. Anna Karenina. Moscow: The Russian Messenger. 1877.) In Karina's telling, however, all happy countries are different, but all unhappy countries are the same, regardless of their culture or religion.

This is also true not just for the victims of war but the global superpowers who frequently perpetuate war. Consider the Bouazizi Union, which in many ways has switched places with the United States as a dominant superpower. In Excerpt 5, the lengths to which the Bouazizi Union will go to further destabilize its competitors on the world stage are revealed: "It is all but known now that the Bouazizi Empire, eager to prolong the American civil war as much as possible, arranged the deal that granted the virologist his escape. On the morning of December 3, 2094, Gerry Tusk boarded the merchant vessel El Fattah at the Richmond harbor, bound eastward. His lethal creation paid his fare. The following year, the monster he bred would come alive on the steps of Reunification Square in Columbus, Ohio, and the first of more than one hundred million people would die" (96). In other words, in achieving democracy and success on the global stage, the Bouazizi Empire morphed into something arguably even worse and more destructive than the Western empires it supplanted.

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