A Path Appears: Transforming Lives, Creating Opportunity

This chapter introduces three ways people can help others. The first is simply giving money; small sums can have a large impact. One example is the condition known as clubfoot. In developed countries, this is easily corrected in infancy; in fact, many famous athletes were born with it—including a Heisman Trophy winner and soccer star Mia Hamm. In poor countries, however, children with clubfoot often go untreated and are shunned. They lose out on education and job opportunities. A donation of $250 can pay for the necessary medical treatment for one child so he can walk normally. As the authors write, “That’s not a sacrifice but an opportunity” (24).

Some people are wary of giving money, not trusting it to be used properly. The authors acknowledge that sometimes donations are improperly dispersed and caution that the best defense against this it to do your homework thoroughly before giving. There are many ways to research which organizations make the best use of donations. One way to ensure that aid reaches the recipients is to volunteer one’s own time directly. This is the second way to help people that the authors discuss. A third approach is advocacy; people need to be educated about issues and Congress needs to be lobbied to act on them. Every little bit helps: “Just because we can’t help everyone doesn’t mean that we should help no one” (28). An example that small efforts can make a big difference is Kristoff’s own father, a refugee after World War II whom a church in Oregon sponsored.

The main point of chapter 3 is to emphasize that we now have much better information for making decisions about where to direct aid. In the past, it was based on hunches or what seemed like good ideas to the donors. An example of this was the popularity of providing cookstoves to people in impoverished nations. On paper, it seemed great: it would reduce the time used to gather firewood (which often fell to women and girls) and improve the recipients’ health by reducing smoke. When a rigorous study was done, however, the truth was quite different. The stoves broke down or developed other problems, and the villagers in the study stopped using them much. Problems with their chimneys also developed, which exposed families to just as much smoke as before.

To be effective, programs must work properly in the field. People like Esther Duflo, an MIT economist specializing in development, can help determine where best to direct resources. One example is her research on deworming children, mentioned in the introduction. Its effect on education is not immediately apparent, but she helped to determine the statistical long-term effects on earnings noted above. A child who doesn’t get dewormed, for example, is “13 percent more likely to remain illiterate” as an adult than one who does get dewormed (38).

Some criticize research like Duflo’s, which uses randomized controlled trials, as too limited and too likely to squelch good ideas. Showing that something doesn’t work in one location, with the small population under study, does not necessarily mean it will not work anywhere. The authors acknowledge this fact, and don’t think such trials alone should determine whether a program gets carried out, but they welcome all information as useful to making informed decisions.

This chapter begins an examination of “poverty in the United States and other wealthy countries—and the surprising evidence of what works to overcome it” (46) by discussing the earliest stages of life. Fetal alcohol syndrome affects developing brains in the womb and leads to learning problems and increased likelihood of substance abuse, among other things. One study “puts the total associated costs over a lifetime for a child born with fetal alcohol syndrome at $800,000” (51). Even more children are born to mothers who smoke, which also negatively affects fetus development. A donation of only $25 can provide pregnant smokers with counseling through a program called SCRIPT, resulting in a higher propensity to quit.

Simple interactions between a mother and her infant can have a great impact on a child’s life and success. A study done with rats showed that mothers who licked and cuddled their offspring resulted in calmer pups. Their brains produced less cortisol, a chemical that prepares the body for stressful situations, and as a result they were more confident and intelligent. Mary Ainsworth described an analogous situation in humans through “attachment theory.” Babies who are picked up, cuddled, and stroked more tend to be outgoing and confident later, so as adults they are better equipped to encounter new situations.

For poor adults from disadvantaged backgrounds who become parents themselves, home visits from a trained counselor seem to help break the cycle of adverse childhood experiences. A program begun in Elmira, New York, called the Nurse-Family Partnership, helped reduce instances of neglect and abuse. It also lowered the birth rate of participants through family planning, making it easier for parents to deal with a manageable family size and not stretch their resources too thin.

The two main components of these programs and studies are early intervention and providing parents with the right skill set. Prenatal and early childhood programs are effective because children’s brains are formed during that time period, which sets patterns for their adult life. Likewise, equipping parents with the tools they need for raising their children is more cost effective than working with kids outside the home. In the long run, the authors note, “It’s far less expensive to coach parents to support children than to maintain prisons years later” (66).

This chapter focuses on literacy, verbal interaction, and brain development. A two-year study that taped parents’ interactions with their children showed the importance of verbal interaction with infants and toddlers. Socioeconomic status affected how many words the children heard: by age four, those with parents who were professionals heard about 30 million more words than those of parents on welfare. Follow-up research found that the former group had higher IQs and better school performance. Several programs focus on how to narrow this gap.

One is Reach Out and Read, started by a group of pediatricians who thought they should not only help kids with physical issues but with mental development as well. Doctors distribute books during office visits, talk with parents about the importance of reading to their kids, and teach children how to hold a book. In short, they “prescribe reading almost as if it were a medication” (75). Parents often don’t know of the importance of reading to their kids before they learn to read themselves. This simple and low-cost method—only about $20 annually for each child—has been proven to increase children’s vocabularies.

Poverty in America stems from several issues, but among the more important today is the income gap. Richer families have more resources to provide for their children, preparing them better for school. One program that is effective in narrowing this gap is the early childhood education program Head Start. While some studies have been critical of its results, the authors point out flaws in the research. One large-scale study showed more positive results, including a greater likelihood of graduating from high school and attending college. The average person can help by donating to a program like Reach Out and Read or by advocating for the government funding of preschool programs.